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ARTICLES OF THE PEACE OF MUNSTER, CONCLUDED JANUARY 30, 1648
[30 January 1648]
3. Each party shall retain and actually enjoy the countries, towns, places, lands, and lord-ships which he at present holds and possesses, without being troubled or molested therein, di-rectly or indirectly, in any way whatsoever, in which are understood to be included the hamlets, villages, dwellings, and fields belonging thereunto; and consequently the whole " Meyerye " of 's Hartogenbosch, as well as the lordships, towns, castles, hamlets, villages, dwellings, and fields belonging to the aforesaid town and " Meyerye" of 's Hartogenbosch, the town and marquisate of Bergen op Zoom, the town and barony of Breda, the town of Maestricht, and their dependencies, as well as the county of the Vroonhof, the town, county, and province of Kuyck, Hulst, and the bailiwick of Hulst and Hulster-Ambacht, as also Axele-Ambacht, lying south and north of the Guele, together with the forts which the said Lords States at present hold in the Land of Waes, and all other towns and places which the said Lords States hold in Brabant, Flanders, and elsewhere, shall continue to be held by the aforesaid Lords States in all and the same rights and parts of sovereignty and superiority, not otherwise than and similarly as they hold the provinces of the United Netherlands, it being well understood that all the remainder of the land of Waes, with the exception of the aforesaid forts, shall remain under the King of Spain. As regards the three districts of Over-Maese, namely, Valckenburg, Daelhem, and 's Hartogen-rade, they shall remain under the State under which they at present are. And in case of dispute and controversy, the same shall be referred to the Chambre mi partie, of which mention is made hereafter, to be decided there.
4. The subjects and inhabitants of the countries of the aforesaid Lords, the King and States, shall keep up all good relations and friendship together, without remembering the of-fences and losses which they have heretofore suffered; they shall also be permitted to come and stay in each other's territories, and there carry on trade and commerce in all security, as well on sea and other waters as on land.
5. The navigation and trade to the East and West Indies shall be maintained pursuant to and in conformity with the Charters already given, or yet to be given, therefor, and for the secu-rity of which the present Treaty and the ratification to be procured from both sides shall serve. And there shall be comprised under the aforesaid Treaty all potentates, nations, and peoples with whom the aforesaid Lords States, or those of the East and West India Company, in their name, are within the limits of their said Charter, in friendship and alliance. And each party, to wit, the aforesaid Lords, the Kings and States respectively, shall continue to possess and enjoy such lord-ships, towns, castles, fortresses, commerce, and lands in the East and West Indies, as also in Bra-zil, and on the coasts of Asia, Africa, and America respectively, as the same Lords, the King and States do respectively hold and possess, amongst which are specially included the places which the Portuguese have since the year 1641 taken from the Lords States and occupied, or the places which they shall hereafter come to acquire and possess without infraction of the present Treaty. And the Directors, both of the East and West India Company of the United Provinces, as also the agents, officers high and low, soldiers and sailors being, or having been, in the actual service of one or the other of the said two Companies, as also those who [being] out of the respective services of the same, still remain, and may hereafter be employed either in this country or in the district of the said Companies, shall be free and unmolested in all countries under the dominion of the King of Spain in Europe, and permitted to travel, traffic, and roam like all other inhabitants of the country of the aforesaid Lords States. It is, moreover, agreed and stipulated that the Spaniards shall retain their navigation in the same manner in which they still have it in the East Indies, without being permitted to extend themselves further, as likewise the inhabitants, too, of the United Netherlands shall abstain from the frequentation of the Castilian places in the East Indies.
6. And with respect to the West Indies the subjects and inhabitants of the kingdoms, provinces, and lands of the aforesaid Lords, the King and states respectively shall refrain from navigating and trading in all the harbours and places invested with forts, posts, and castles by either party, and in all others possessed by them, that is to say, the subjects of the aforesaid Lord King shall not navigate and trade in the harbours and places which are held by the aforesaid Lords States, nor the subjects of the aforesaid Lords States in those which are held by the said Lord King. And among the places which the aforesaid Lord States do possess shall he included the places which the Portuguese have taken from the aforesaid Lords States in Brazil since the year 1641, as well as all other places which they at present possess, so long as those shall be un-der the Portuguese, without the foregoing Article derogating from the purport of this present one.
95. EXTRACT OF THE REGISTER OF THE RESOLUTIONS OF THEIR HIGH MIGHTINESSES
THE LORDS THE STATES-GENERAL OF THE UNITED NETHERLANDS, MONDAY, AUGUST 10,
[10 August 1648]
The opening of the provincial Report of the Province of Holland and West Friesland concerning the affairs of Brazil having been heard -
. . . . Fourthly, it was agreed and passed to approve of the Orders and Regulations con-cerning navigation to Brazil and Angola framed by the West India Company as hereinafter in-serted, and an addition shall be made to the aforesaid Regulation concerning Angola in the form of an amplification containing a certain Resolution passed by the Lords, their High Mightinesses the Deputies, and the respective Chambers of the West India Company on the 16th January last and inserted in the register of their High Mightinesses' Resolutions after the report of the debate held upon the redress of the fallen state of Company No. 8.
Fifthly, their High Mightinesses decided to pass provisionally for one year the Regula-tion concerning the Caribbean navigators, also hereinafter inserted, on the condition that the dues and recognition monies therein mentioned proceeding from the same shall have to be set aside and be employed, without any deductions, towards paying off the annual interest of the invested capital with which the respective Chambers of the West India Company are burdened, and the receipt and administration of the aforesaid dues and recognition monies was referred to and placed in the hands of the General Chamber of Accounts of this Company, with authority to ap-point persons in all places where these dues and recognition monies shall be paid to receive the same, which persons shall from time to time have to send the monies received to the aforesaid Chamber of Accounts, which will be responsible for the amounts. . . .
The Lords of Friesland thereupon had the provincial Resolutions read of the Lords, the States, their Principals, hereinafter inserted. . .
The States-General of the United Netherlands having read and deliberated upon the Or-der and Regulation made, subject to our approval, by the General Chartered West India Com-pany in the Council of Nineteen for each and all of the inhabitants of the United Provinces who shall henceforth desire to sail to certain districts within the limits of the Charter of the aforesaid Company hereinafter set forth, to fetch salt, timber, tobacco, cotton, and other wares or mer-chandise obtainable there, have, after the deliberation, approved and ratified the said Order and Regulation, as their High Mightinesses now approve and ratify them by these presents and in such manner as now hereinafter follows:
I. Firstly, we hereby that we annul and quash all former Orders and Regulations accord-ing to which all ships in the respective provinces, either armed or unarmed, have been permitted to sail for private trade in timber, salt, tobacco, cotton, or other wares and products there obtain-able, to a certain area within the Charter of the West India Company, at whatever period, in what manner the said Regulations might have been issued, promulgated, or drawn up; and we now de-cree, order, and ordain anew that the vessels of the aforesaid inhabitants shall henceforth be per-mitted to sail in the West Indies, to wit, from the River Oronocque westwards along the coasts of Paria, Cumaná, Venezuela, Carthagena, Portobello, Honduras, Campeche, the Gulf of Mexico, and the coasts of Florida, as well as between and around all the islands situated in those parts, including even Curacoa, Buenayre, and Aruba, without permission to go east along the Wild Coast, [the original name of the coast between the Orinoco and the Essequibo] much less to the Amazon or the Maransan [sic], or further north than Cape Florida, and equally without permission to come on any account whatever, or in any manner, to the Virginias, New Netherlands, Nova Francia, and other places situated thereabouts, or to sail to or along the coasts of Africa, Brazil, or anywhere else where the Company has trade, under the penalty that whoever shall be found to do or to have done contrary to this shall confiscate both ship and cargo, which also it shall be allowable to seize and to hold as confiscated property at the disposal of the Com-pany without any action at law, and in case such ships or cargoes shall have been sold or have put into other countries or ports, the captains, owners, or underwriters shall be sued for the value of the said ships and cargoes according to Article 1 of the Charter. . .
XII. And inasmuch as the inhabitants of these United Provinces and lands, as well as foreign vessels, shall be permitted to sail and trade, so shall all foreign ships bringing timber, salt, tobacco, and any other wares, products, or merchandise into this country from the West Indies, or the territories granted by Charter to the Company, whether it be for their own account, as freight, or on commission, be compelled to declare and deposit them in the warehouses of the Company in the manner hereinbefore expressed, and shall subsequently also pay to the above Company convoy dues, and such recognition money as the inhabitants and vessels of these coun-tries have to pay, whether such foreign vessels come straight from the West Indies, and from within the limits of the Charter to this country, or whether they have, for any reason whatever, discharged their cargo in other countries or kingdoms, and exchanged their original cargoes in any of the ports at which they have touched for other goods, and paid the duties of the country; any one alleging his to be the case shall be held to produce sufficient proofs on entering his goods, so that he State and the Company may not be frustrated in their intentions in this matter. . .
XVIII. In order that these Regulations may be observed and put into execution by the representatives of the West India Company, and in order that no permit or authority to sail within the boundaries set forth in the Charter may be granted except by the General Chartered West In-dia Company in their Council of Nineteen, it is expressly declared that all who, bearing the latter, shall sail within the limits permitted by the Charter, shall be charged and authorized to demand to see the papers and permits of all ships of this country which they may meet there; and if they find such permit to be other than those granted by the General Chartered Company in their Council of Nineteen, the ships which are furnished with the same shall be permitted to lay an embargo upon the cargoes over and above the penalties imposed by the Company, and which the captains, owners, or underwriters of the former shall be permitted to demand from those who have granted them such permit and commission.
Done, approved, and ratified at a meeting of the States-General held in the
Hague on the 10th day of August, 1648.
96. CONDITIONS FOR COLONISTS, PROVISIONALLY ADOPTED BY THE WEST INDIA COMPANY
[12 October 1656]
Draft of notification. To all who shall see or hear these presents read, be it known:
Whereas the Directors of the Zeeland Chamber of the Chartered West India Company have now for many years past endeavoured by all conceivable means and ways, both by the re-sources of the Chamber itself, as well as by contracting with private persons, to increase, not only its trade and commerce from this country to the mainland coasts and islands situated under the Charter, but have also and especially made it their aim to further colonization and agriculture in the aforesaid countries, and yet without such success, results, and fruits as they had indeed hoped:
Therefore, they, having by careful observation and long experience found that not only the islands lying within their province, but also the mainland coasts, and especially the Wild Coast extending from the River Amazon to.... degrees northwards, are of such situation and soil that everything can be cultivated, sown, planted, and raised there that can be cultivated and raised in the famous regions of Brazil, yet that, for the further increase of population and agricul-ture, there are required not only persons of reasonable means, industry, and experience, but also all other of lesser condition and ability, would, with the knowledge and approval of their their High Mightinesses the States-General of the United Netherlands and the General Chartered West India Company, agree, and do hereby agree, to offer and to submit the following Articles for the encouragement of one and all: -
Firstly, that, under the sovereignty of the States-General and the authority of the Char-tered West India Company every one shall be at liberty to go from this country in his own, in hired, or in the Company's ships to the aforesaid Wild Coast, in order to choose there and take into possession such stretches of land as they shall have need of for their purpose and cultivation, to administer, populate, till, and plant the same on condition that they provide themselves with proper shoulder and side-arms, with their appurtenances.
Secondly, when, by God's help, the population on the aforesaid Wild Coast shall have grown to 200 families or more, the colonists themselves shall provisionally, and with the approval of the Zeeland Chamber, elect three, five, or seven Councillors from their own number of the most honest, able, and wealthy, born in the seven United Provinces, or having lived for ten years under this Government, who shall under the Chamber administer justice according to the law of the Province of Zeeland, and shall decide all matters touching their condition and circumstances there, to which end the Zeeland Chamber will provide them with the proper commission from the States-General, and with authorization and instruction from the General Company, to which they shall be required to take the oath.
Thirdly, each one of the colonists shall have free possession, and use, in any manner he pleases, of the land and strand occupied by him, having and retaining free hunting, fishing, and fowling without paying any tax, tithe, or other poll-taxes for the space of five years, beginning with the year of making their choice and taking possession; but at the end of the five years the colonists shall be dealt with in all fairness, in any case not more exorbitantly than the inhabitants of the other islands, paying yearly for poll-tax 100 lbs. of tobacco - other commodities, such as sugar, indigo, cotton, and other products being reckoned an equivalent according to their value - unless at the time it should be deemed better to pay the tax of the tithes. In case, however, they leave the lands of which they have taken possession, these shall, after two years, again revert to the Company.
Fourthly, if any one of the colonists, through himself, his family, or his servant, discovers any minerals, crystals, stones, marble, of whatever sort, he shall be at liberty to take possession thereof, possess them, and use them for his own profit, for the term of five years; and after the five years the possessor shall be required only to pay a tithe to the Company.
Fifthly, the colonists shall be at liberty to carry on trade, and to transport their products and wares in their own or in the Company's ships (being required only to return to the place whence they sailed) free of all dues, as well for merchandise and agricultural implements which they desire to transport thither, as for products which they desire to export from there, only pay-ing tonnage, as other Caribbean traders navigating under the rules.
Sixthly, the aforesaid colonists shall also be at liberty to go to the coast of Africa and fetch as many negroes as they shall have need of or may desire to offer for sale, being subject like others to the Regulations made therefor or to be made.
Seventhly, the colonists when any ships of the Company sails from here to the aforesaid coast, or when they find on the islands a ship of the Company destined thither, shall have free passage in that ship (only having to provide themselves with their own food and sustenance), to-gether with their agricultural implements, so far as the ship shall be able conveniently to hold then.
Eighthly, in order that everything may proceed with complete knowledge, all prospective planters going from here thither, whether in their own ship, or, where there is opportunity, in a ship of the Company, shall be required to ask for passports from the Zeeland Chamber; or if they journey thither from the islands, they shall, upon arriving there, give their names to the Commander of Essequibo, or his deputy, in order thus to have them registered with the Chamber here.
The Company reserves for itself only the trade and the gathering of the annatto dye, which nobody shall be at liberty to trade in, gather, or transport, on penalty of his life, and of the confiscation of all his goods; and also the interpretation of any obscurities which may occur in these [provisions], and moreover the right to change the mode of government after the space of five years, in case they find that circumstances there demand this, granting in the meantime to the colonists and lesser planters the liberty to appoint and maintain at their expense for the ser-vice of the Councillors, a sheriff, police officer, and secretary, together with a preacher, school-master, and Scripture Reader, subject only to the approval of the Zeeland Chamber.
This Chamber shall endeavour and shall do its utmost, either by contracting therefor, or through other means and opportunities, to order negroes for the aforesaid coast, and to send them for a reasonable price, to be paid from the products or otherwise, in such way as shall be best agreed upon together.
Thus done and provisionally drafted in our meeting of the 12th October, 1656.
Acceptance of Above Conditions by Garret van Vyanen.
This done provisionally in our meeting, and thereafter a contract made with Gerret van Vyanen, and signed, both for himself and in the name of his constituents, in pursuance of the Resolution taken the 4th January, 1657. Done at Middelburg on the date aforesaid.
GERRET GERRETSEN VAN VIEJANNE.
(Signed for myself and for my constituents.)
JOORIES VAN OVERSCHELDE
97. REQUEST OF CORNELIS VAN LODENSTEYN AND OTHERS FOR A GRANT OF TWELVE
DUTCH MILES ON THE COAST OF GUIANA
To the Directors of the United West India Company, holding their Chamber at Middelburg in Zeeland.
We, Cornelis van Lodensteyn, Willem Roelsius, Johan Evertsen, Johan le Gouche, An-toni Copal, Willem Bastinck, Johan de Dorper, Willem Aleman, Hans Penne, Hubert Hugo, Jacob Warnaerts, Ryckloff van Goens, and Hubert de Lairesse, do make known, that we the petitioners are desirous to navigate the coast of Guiana, situate in America on the Wild Coast, between two and five degrees, and there to colonize twelve [Dutch] miles of coast, and as far inland as shall be convenient to the petitioners, to cultivate, to engage in mining, to raise cattle, and to do all things which, with God's favour, the lands, grounds, mountains, rocks, waters, and skies shall enable them to do, for the glory of His name, and to the profit and advantage of the petitioners, of yourselves, and of the United Netherlands.
And, in order that the petitioners may do so with greatest security for themselves, they petition that you be pleased to grant them the following terms and conditions:
1. Firstly, that they the petitioners shall be, and shall be proclaimed to be, patrons of the aforesaid coasts, lands, grounds, mountains, rocks, waters, and skies, and of everything that per-tains thereto or depends thereon, directly or indirectly, howsoever named or considered, nothing excepted.
2. Also, that the aforesaid petitioners, with their ship or ships, whether their own, or freighted by them, or having orders from them, shall be allowed to transport and betake them-selves to the aforesaid coasts, and to establish there a Colony, and otherwise to do as aforesaid, on condition that they sail from the aforesaid Middelburg in Zeeland, and be required to return there.
3. That they the petitioners shall be required to take out for the captain or captains, be-fore the sailing of the ship or ships, whether owned by them or hired by them, one proper com-mission, giving the name, size, armament, and crew thereof.
4. That all private persons who are their colonists shall be registered with the aforesaid Chamber.
5. Also, that they shall be mustered by the Company before the sailing of the ship or ships.
6. The aforesaid patrons shall be required to make known to the aforesaid Company the goods and merchandise going to the aforesaid coast.
7. The aforesaid Company shall give to the aforesaid patrons, once and for all, the proper wood and salt permits.
8. The aforesaid Company shall give to the aforesaid patrons, once and for all, the proper letters of reprisal, in order that by virtue thereof they be at liberty to attack and capture the ships and other property, movable and immovable, of the King of Portugal, his subjects and adherents.
9. The aforesaid patrons shall pay to the aforesaid Company, of all minerals they shall discover, the twentieth part of the aforesaid minerals, after the aforesaid patrons shall for ten years have continuously possessed the aforesaid minerals in quiet and peace, and without any hindrance, and shall have enjoyed, here in Middelburg aforesaid, the profits of the aforesaid pos-session and exploitation.
10. All government by the aforesaid patrons and the aforesaid colonists of
the aforesaid coasts, lands, etc., shall belong to the aforesaid patrons,
under recognition of the States-General of the United Netherlands, and of
the aforesaid Company, in so far as the aforesaid States-General have ceded
and left this to the aforesaid Company.
98. PROCEEDINGS OF THE PROVINCIAL ESTATES OF ZEELAND
[9 June 1657]
Saturday, June 9, 1657
There appeared before the meeting Messrs. van der Heyde and Moorthamer, deputies of the West India Company, having its Chamber here in Zeeland. They made known orally, and thereafter submitted in writing, the intention which they have of establishing, under approval of the estates of Zeeland, a Colony and new settlement on the Wild Coast of Essequibo and places thereabout, extending from 1 to 10 north of the Equator, between the Rivers Orinoco and Ama-zon, wherein there has been granted them the exclusive privilege of navigation and trade, in pur-suance of the agreement with the Chartered West India Company. And they request that the Es-tates of Zeeland, as patrons and founders of the Colonies to be established there, be pleased to accept the direction thereof, according to one or the other of the plans which have been drawn up in writing and submitted. Which matter having been deliberated upon, it was resolved that the documents submitted shall be sent to the members, as items of the agenda for the next meeting, in order that then such action be taken thereupon as shall be judged expedient and necessary in the interest of the State and for the furtherance of commerce. And in the meantime the Council, the deputies from the three cities of Walcheren being present, shall fully examine this matter, and transmit to the members the papers with their conclusion subjoined.
99. LIBERTIES AND EXEMPTIONS OFFERED BY THE WEST INDIA COMPANY (ZEELAND
CHAMBER) TO PATRONS OF COLONIES IN GUIANA
Liberties. an Exemptions which the Zeeland Chamber, in the name, and by the authority of the General West India Company, would concede and grant, subject to the approval of the States-General of the United Netherlands, to . . . . as patrons of a Colony in the Province of Guiana, situate on the Wild Coast.
1. The aforesaid patrons shall be allowed with their ship or ships, whether their own or freighted by them, to transport and betake themselves, or those commissioned by them, to the aforesaid Province of Guiana, and there. . . establish a Colony, on condition that they shall sail forth from the Province of Zeeland, and shall be bound to return there.
2. They shall be bound to take out for the captain or captains at each sailing of the ship or ships, whether their own or hired, the proper and usual commission, giving the name, size, ar-mament, and crew thereof;
3. The aforesaid patrons shall take care that all private persons who are their colonists, register their names with the Chamber, and promise to abide by the general articled-letter of the Company in so far as it concerns them; for this purpose they shall be mustered by the Company before the sailing of the ship.
4. The aforesaid patrons are conceded and granted permission to choose, and occupy, as also to retain in possession, such district of land as their subordinate colonists shall in any wise be able to cultivate, the extent and size of the aforesaid lands to be reckoned by the number of persons, namely, for sixty persons 2 [Dutch] miles along the coast or one side of a navigable river or 1 [Dutch] mile along both sides of a river, and as far inland as the circumstances of the occupants shall permit, but for 100 persons 4 [Dutch] miles and so on accordingly; all this for the raising of all sorts of products and plants, also of cattle - with the exception of the annatto dye (which the Company reserves exclusively for itself), which no one shall be allowed to trade in, gather, or transport, on penalty of his life and confiscation of all his goods; on condition, that they shall be required to begin the aforesaid raising and cultivation within a year, and to bring the aforesaid number of persons within the time of four consecutive years, on penalty of losing the acquired liberties in case of evident neglect.
5. The aforesaid persons shall enjoy freedom from all sorts of dues for all the aforesaid products and plants for the time of ten years; but for wood, or any other thing which can be had there without cultivation, and is reckoned as merchandise they shall pay as other persons do, to which end they are required to make known the arrival of any ship or ships, and to unload only in the Company's warehouses at the place whence they sailed out, on penalty of confiscation of the cargo; and after the expiration of the aforesaid ten years they shall pay as other inhabitants who in the limits of the Charter carry on trade under the Regulations and the Resolutions following thereupon.
6. But the merchandise and goods which they wish to take with them from here they shall likewise declare and bring into the Company's warehouse and pay for as others, it being understood that nothing shall be paid for provisions and necessaries intended for the Colony.
7. The instructions concerning trade and other matters which are given at the departure of a ship must always be communicated to the Company, and the Company shall have the right to place an agent on board the aforesaid ship, whom the skipper is bound to receive at his table in the cabin without charge, but the wages shall be at the expense of the Company.
8. In addition to the wood and salt permits, the Company shall grant letters of reprisal, in order that by virtue thereof they be at liberty to attack and capture the ships of the Portuguese, on condition that the prizes shall be placed at disposal according to the tenour of the aforesaid letters of reprisal, and against such dues as paid by other commissioned ships.
9. Any one of the colonists who through himself or his family or servants comes to dis-cover any crystals, stones, marble, of whatsoever nature these be, shall be at liberty to take pos-session thereof and possess them and use them for his own benefit for five years, and after the aforesaid years the possessor shall only be required to pay the tithes to the Company, but for ores of gold or silver they shall pay for each return cargo one just fifth part.
10. The aforesaid patrons shall send and maintain in the aforementioned Colony a com-petent person as Commander , who will have to take out from the Company the usual commis-sion, and also receive from the same proper instructions to keep good order in matters of justice and government in the name of their High Mightinesses the States-General of the United Nether-lands and the aforesaid Company, following both in criminal as well as civil affairs the prece-dents set in the Province of Zeeland, and especially with regard to the law of succession, but the Company reserves to itself the supreme authority in the [appointment] of a Governor-General and Councillors whenever it shall deem the same advisable.
11. And, in order that religion be maintained in the aforesaid Colony, they shall be re-quired to provide it for the present with an able person for a Scripture Reader, so as to come to-gether on the Sabbath Day to sing, to read the lesson, and to offer the prayers; but, when the Colony has increased to 100 families, the aforesaid patrons promise to send thither a capable preacher, to whom they alone shall extend the call, but the approval remains reserved to the Company, as also the interpretation of any obscurities.
100. PROCEEDINGS OF THE COMMITTEE FOR THE THREE WALCHEREN CITIES OF THE
COLONY OF NOVA ZEELANDIA
[16 December 1657]
Monday, December 16, 1657
The contract between the respective cities having been submitted for approval, it was signed and ordered that for each city a copy thereof be written. It runs as follows:
For advancing the business concerning the colonization and cultivation on the Wild Coast in America, under the Charter of the General Chartered West India Company of these United Netherlands, there met Messrs. Johan van Roubergen, Burgomaster, Cornelis Arentsen Wesdorp, ex-Burgomaster and Alderman, and Simon van Beaumont, Secretary, as Delegates of the Board of Aldermen and the Council of the city of Middelburg, by virtue of the Resolution passed there the 6th day of this month of October; Messrs. Evert Gyselinck and Adriaen van Goch, both Burgomasters, as Delegates of the Board of Aldermen and the Council of the city of Flushing, also by virtue of the Resolution passed there on the 27th day of September; and Mr. Jean Kien, jun., Burgomaster, by virtue of the Resolution passed on the 18th day of October by the Board of Aldermen and the Council of the city of Vere, all in this year 1657; and they, con-sequently, representing the aforesaid respective cities, have together agreed and arranged:
Firstly, that there shall be equipped two ships, the one to the Wild Coast, otherwise Essequibo, to carry thither the persons who desire to go there, with their necessaries, and other things needed for that coast; the other with a slave-trader's cargo, to the coast of Africa, to buy slaves and carry them from there to the aforesaid Wild Coast. . . .
Thus resolved and done, provisionally, until, upon the acceptance of the patronage by the Estates of Zeeland, or, in default thereof, by these and other members and cities, further Resolutions may be passed; in evidence whereof our signatures are hereto affixed, on the 16th day of December, 1657.
JOHAN VAN ROUBERGEN
CORNELIS ARENTZ WESDORP
JOHAN KIEN, Jun.
101. FROM THE PROVISIONAL CONTRACT BETWEEN THE WEST INDIA COMPANY (ZEELAND
CHAMBER) AND THE WALCHEREN CITIES (MIDDELBURG, FLUSHING [VLISSENGEN], AND
[24 December 1657]
Provisional Contract and Conditions entered into between the Directors of the Chartered West India Company in the Chamber of Zeeland, on the one part, and the Burgomasters and the Rulers of the Cities of Middelburg, Flushing (Vlissengen), and Vere, on the other part.
The West India Company shall approve and, so far as in it lies, make effective this agreement, basis, and Ordinance, whereby the aforesaid cities, together with Commissioners ap-pointed by the aforesaid Directors, are to establish and plant Colonies on the Wild Coast between 1 and 10 degrees, and that in conformity with the liberties and exemptions already granted, or yet to be granted, by the Assembly of Nineteen.
To the aforesaid cities, as founders and colonizers of the aforesaid Coast, their High Mightinesses and the Company shall concede and grant high, middle and low jurisdiction, in or-der the better to maintain the necessary authority over their subordinates. . .
The sovereignty and supremacy, with all that belongs thereto, remaining, nevertheless, to their High Mightinesses and to the Company, in so far as the latter is by the Charter entitled thereto.
102. NOTE RECORDING THE APPROVAL OF THE PROVISIONAL CONTRACT OF THE CITIES
OF MIDDELBURG, FLUSHING ANF VERE
[21 January 1658]
The provisional contract between the cities of Middelburg, Flushing (Vlissengen), and Vere and the Directors having been submitted for approval, it was thus approved and signed by the respective members of the Committee, and entered upon these Minutes under date of the 21st January, 1658, following hereafter.
There was read a letter from Cornelis Goliat, offering his services for honest employment on the mainland Wild Coast, whereupon, after full deliberation and in consideration of his being well versed in the art of fortification, of war, and of surveying, and also in cyphering and book-keeping,
It was resolved that he shall be employed as Commissary in charge of the stores at the aforesaid place; also as Commander of the twenty-five soldiers to be sent; moreover as engineer, to apportion the lands, make the maps, and erect certain strong places or forts for the protection of the Colony; and that he shall be assigned a salary of 60 florins per month, notification whereof was sent to him by letter, and by him so agreed to.
103. PROCEEDINGS OF THE COMMITTEE GOVERNING FOR THE THREE WALCHEREN CITIES
THE COLONY OF NOVA ZEELANDIA
January 24, 1658.
There were read the drafted instructions for Aert Adriaensen, as Director, and Cornelis Goliat, as Commissary on the mainland Wild Coast.
February 18, 1658.
The Committee of Crews reports that on the 2nd day of this current month of February the ship ",Joannes" set sail from Flushing to Nova Zeelandia, and that all on board had been mustered and the passports registered.
August 19, 1658.
There was read a letter from Aerts Adriaensen and Cornelis Goliat, dated from Nova Zeelandia on the 18th June, 1658, which is now provisionally placed with the other documents until the next meeting.
There was read a short description by Cornelis Goliat of the Rivers Demerara, Essequibo, Pomeroon, and Moruca, situated on the coast of Guiana, otherwise called the Wild Coast, and now Nova Zeelandia, which it was resolved to have copied and transmitted to each member of the Committee.
104. PROCEEDINGS OF THE WEST INDIA COMPANY (ZEELAND CHAMBER)
[5 September 1658]
It was put to the vote whether it would not be expedient to offer for hire to the Commit-tee of the Wild Coast our ship, "Prins Willem" in order to carry folk over to Essequibo, and at the same time to come home with folk from the islands, bringing along the annatto dye, letter-wood, and whatever else might have been acquired by trade.
105. PROCEEDINGS OF THE WEST INDIA COMPANY (ZEELAND CHAMBER)
[23 September 1658]
There was read a letter from Mr. Jacob de Hase, from the Hague, under date of the 17th instant, from which it was learned that certain private individuals had addressed themselves to the Amsterdam Chamber, asking to erect a Colony on the mainland Wild Coast without authority or commission from this Chamber.
After discussion and long deliberation thereupon, it was decided and resolved to instruct the Deputies going to the Hague to bring forward there and maintain on behalf of this Chamber that the mainland Wild Coast was given to this Chamber as its share, just as Curacao, Cape Verde, &c., to that of Amsterdam, and that therefore, and also in imitation of the example of that of Amsterdam, all private persons who should be minded to establish any Colonies on the mainland Wild Coast would have to apply for their commissions to this Chamber, and to make an agreement with it thereupon. Yet, in order that all this may be maintained with good grounds and solid reasons, the Deputies going to the Hague were requested and instructed to look up and examine all the Minutes and documents both those of the Board of Nineteen and of this Chamber here, dealing with this matter, and before their departure to submit a Report to this Chamber, in order to receive thereupon yet more peremptory instructions.
106. ACT FOR JAN CLAESSEN LANGENDYCK FOR PERMITTING THE RAISING OF A COLONY
IN WEST INDIES ON THE CONTINENT OR WILD COAST OF AMERICA
[1 November 1658]
The States-General of the United Netherlands, to all who shall see, hear, or read these presents, Greeting:
Know ye, that We leave consented and permitted, and do hereby consent and permit, that Jan Claessen Langendyck, as Promoter, shall be empowered to raise a Colony in the West Indies, on the continent or Wild Coast of America about Goyana, at the height of about five de-grees north latitude, situate in the district of the Charter granted to the West Indian Company, and this under and upon the conditions settled the 13th August, 1654, by a Committee of the respective Chambers representing the Assembly of the Nineteen.
Wherefore, We ordain, enjoin, and order all and each individual, whom these may con-cern, that they in no wise, hinder therein the aforewritten Jan Claessen Langendyck, or those he may come to send thither with the knowledge of the aforewritten Company, but that they shall do and show much honour, and all help, favours, and assistance whereof there may be need, since We have decided that the same requisite for the service of the above-mentioned Company.
Given at the Hague, under our Seal, subscription, and the signature of our Secretary, on the 1st November, 1658.
107. MINUTES OF THE WEST INDIA COMPANY
[4 November 1658]
Read, a letter from the Amsterdam Chamber, under date of the 24th October, being the answer to ours sent on the 18th October, concerning. . ., thirdly, our claim to authority over the entire Wild Coast. . .
On the third point they say that, they cannot conceive what grounds we can have for ar-rogating to ourselves the whole Wild Coast, it being from one to ten degrees more than 200 [Dutch] miles; and that, though it cannot possibly, as they deem, be colonized by our Chamber alone, we yet claim to do it. . .
In reply to which [letter of the Amsterdam Chamber] it was resolved as follows: . . . as to the third [point], concerning the Wild Coast, it was resolved that there be drawn up by Mr. Mortamer an explanatory letter to the Amsterdam Chamber, wherein our right to that coast shall be set forth to them.
108. MINUTES OF THE WEST INDIA COMPANY
[2 January 1659]
There was read a letter from the Commander Aert Adriaansz. Groenwegen and the Commissary Goliat, dated from New Middelburg, the 15th September, 1658, whereby they re-quest that he Commissary be instructed to report concerning the rivers there, and the condition of Nova Zeelandia.
109. REPORT ON THE COLONY OF POMEROON
[1 October 1661]
High and Mighty Lords the States-General of the United Netherlands:
The Directors of the Zeeland Chamber of the Chartered West India Company most humbly make known that in the year 1657 they entered into a certain contract with the Commis-sioners at the towns of Middelburg, Flushing, and Veere for the furtherance of trade, coloniza-tion, and cultivation upon a certain portion of the mainland Wild Coast situated in America within the limits of their Charter, all by virtue of and in conformity with the liberties and exemp-tions granted by the Assembly of Nineteen, and approved by your High Mightinesses, in which matter and circumstances such progress has been made that a great portion of the aforesaid land there has been occupied and taken possession of both upon the Rivers Demerary and upon the Boumorome, and that, indeed, divers plantations and a fair number of Dutchmen have already been made and established, so that in time a good success is to be expected with regard to the aforesaid aim, and whereas the chief place, named Nieuw Middelburg, lying in the district called by us Nova Zeelandia, has for the present need of nought else than a qualified head or Com-mander for the direction of good policy, the administration of justice, and the command of the militia, they (the petitioners) have therefore chosen for that purpose a certain Francois de Fyn, experienced in those countries, and having faithfully served as Captain both in Brazil and An-gola, from whose engagement they entertain good hopes, and the same requiring for that purpose a proper commission from the State, they very dutifully beg that your High Mightinesses may be pleased to grant them a State commission in forma for the said Francois de Fyn.
Which doing, &c.
Submitted 1st October, 1661.
110. DON PEDRO DE VIEDMA TO THE KING OF SPAIN
[20 March 1662]
In five duplicates I have given your Majesty an account of the miserable state of this Government, and how harassed it is by the foreign nations, Dutch and English, which are settled on this coast of Terra Firma in different places and sites which they have chosen for their greater convenience, the nearest called Vauruma (Pomeroon) and Moruga, being distant from this River Orinoco 25 leagues. Of this I have already informed your Majesty, and of the people in this first-named settlement, to the number of 600 men, between Dutch and Indians, and 1,000 negroes. And today, from the inquiries I have made, I find the number to be more than 1,000 men, with 400 Indians and a greater number of negroes, founding a new Brazil. These are protected by the forces of Esquivo and Berbis, whose Governor is Adrian Arnoto, a Dutchman.
And, in like manner, I find there are on the said coast thirty-six settlements, with a great number of English, which extend a distance of 200 leagues to windward in different places with a great number of negroes.
These are composed of companies, and many of them with permission of the States of Holland, and from the way they divide these lands, they appear to be theirs. To this is to be added the Windward Islands that are settled by these nations, who with their traffic and trade infest these coasts every day causing this poor Government a thousand difficulties and misfortunes, being kept the whole year under arms, and leaving their families and farms without being able to assist them.
And although the Dutch of Esquivo and Berbis have Treaties of Peace or truces with your Loyal Crown, they neither keep nor observe them as they should. Indeed, quite the contrary, for they have arrived in schooners in the Island of Trinidad, and by fraud they have frequently carried off a number of natives commissioned to be sold in the Windward Islands, as happened this present year in the month of January. So that, matters being thus, Sir, I have already conquered the Island of Trinidad, and pacified the natives under many difficulties, reducing some by kindness and the rebellious by force of arms, which none of my predecessors has been able to accomplish.
I do not, on this occasion, transmit the proofs thereof, as I am absent from the said island in this city of Guayana.
These foreign nations hold at their disposal all the Indian natives of these Windward coasts so that they cause me the greater anxieties in fearing a [complete] ruin, for this Govern-ment has such a very small number of people that in this city and the Island of Trinidad they do not reach 140 residents, between old and young, and 100 capable of bearing arms.
The greatest misfortune is not to be able to fulfil my obligation as a loyal subject of your Royal Majesty. What I shall do will be to die in the discharge thereof as my obligation demands.
Sir, this Government is the least thing, the greatest is the injury that must be caused to your Majesty's Royal arms if these foreigners should take possession of this River Orinoco, for, in being masters thereof, they will also be masters of the New Kingdom of Granada, of Barinas, of the Province of Venezuela, and of that of Cumaná, for by land they can make their expeditions without encountering any one to trouble them. And above all, that in a country where for so much time your Majesty has laboured at great expense in sowing the Holy Gospel, or at least the bad seed of the 'heretics should creep in, that they should leave such a multitude of nations of the natives to live in their barbarous customs, a great unhappiness with which I am burdened, and as to what may result therefrom I represent to your Majesty what is herein contained, as your humble servant and subject, with zeal and thought only for your Majesty's service, in order that you may be pleased to command the same to be examined, and to resolve upon the best course, and if it should be that of the permanency of these two places to provide a remedy therein before they are totally lost, for concerning the impossibility of being able to defend them, I have already on many occasions represented to your Majesty, as I now do, and thus your Majesty may regard this with your customary merciful consideration by affording help in men, munitions, fire-arms, and the necessary supplies.
I also profit, by the occasion to give your Majesty an account how in August of the past year, 1660, I was informed by a despatch from Sergeant-Major Lucas Brabo de Leon and Don Geronimo de Vibero, the Ordinary Alcaldes (for on the death of Sergeant-Major Pedro de Padilla, who at the time was the one in office whilst the said Lucas Brabo was the Ordinary Al-calde, I granted the latter the said title of Sergeant-Major), who at the time were governing this city of Santo Thomas de Guayana in my absence, in which they report to me to the Island of Trinidad, distant by sea from this city more than 100 leagues, how there had arrived at this port in the River Orinoco a ship, captain and owner John Hooft, of the Dutch nation, representing that he was in want of stores. When I saw this I sent express orders by the same vessel which the Or-dinary Alcaldes sent me, that they should not admit nor allow the said ship in the said city and its port, nor trade with the crew in any way whatever, under pain of death, and [being declared] traitors to your Royal Majesty. And concerning the orders I transmitted, there again rose new troubles in this said city, as well on the part of the residents as on that of the soldiers, in that by forming public meetings at the request of the Procurator-General they agreed in their Junta that it would be well that the said ship should be received, thus setting aside my orders which had al-ready been given upon the case, and making for this purpose a new dispatch to the Island of Trinidad, appointing another Procurator, as they did in the said open meeting; both the residents and soldiers, in whose name he presented himself before my Tribunal in the said Island of Trini-dad, stating that this city entreated me to set aside the before-mentioned orders on account of their all being so poor, and it being more than thirty years since a ship fran Spain had entered that port, so that they had not wherewith to clothe themselves, nor any knives, hatchets, cutlasses, and other necessary articles of barter for the use of their tillage, and to give the Indians, who for want thereof render them but indifferent service, so that they suffer great necessities, and that if this were not done they requested permission to go and serve your Majesty in some other part.
Notwithstanding, in fulfilment of your .Majesty's orders, I did not admit these allega-tions, but issuing a new Decree, I commanded that the said ship should not be admitted, but that your Majesty's orders should be duly observed, offering to remedy part of their necessities with my own salary, and telling them I would send Don Juan Pacheco, a resident merchant of the Is-land of Trinidad, who happened at the time to have some merchandise from Castile.
This was not accepted by the said Procurator, as is all proved by the acts which I have decreed in this matter, and with these orders the aforesaid Procurator was dispatched for this city.
And not having received any news more than three mouths, I endeavoured to pacify, and make an expedition to the native Indians of that Island of Trinidad, who were in rebellion, and did not wish to serve the Spaniards. I carried it out with the few Spaniards of that island and some friendly Indians, and while receiving those, who, warned by the punishment I inflicted on the bad ones who were in my power, came and submitted peacefully, and promised to give ser-vice to the Spaniards, and compelling them for their subjection and instruction to settle on the outskirts of the town, and those part which appeared most convenient, in the month of April of the past year 1661, I learned from a passing traveller who went from this city to the Island of Trinidad, that my orders had not been complied with. This obliged me to come in person to this city of Guayana where on my arrival I began punishing the disobedient. I therefore seized the said ship as well as the merchandise on board. By judicial process and inventories, I condemned her, adjudicating all to your royal Majesty, which I carried out, and she was sold by public sale. Owing to the great volume of these "autos," and the hurry of this journey, I have not been able to draw them up, but will transmit them on another occasion.
These goods, Sir, were sold to Marcos Madronero, a resident of the city of San Miguel del Castello; and on account of' there not being, as there really are not, any rich sureties in this city for the amount, he gave as sure Captain Miguel de Ochagania, a resident of the city of Bari-nas, a rich man, furthermore leaving the said merchandise hypothecated and intact, and deposited with two persons of this city of Guayana, where they are at present in the same form, with my authority and that of your Royal officer, granting a term of five months for the purpose of bringing the money to which the said sale amounted.
It happened that while I was in the Island of Trinidad recovering from a grave attack of fever which I had contracted in this city of Guayana that I was obliged to leave it. Whilst some vessels from this said city were going to that of Barinas by the river, the Carib Indians of the Caura, servants appropriated to residents of this city, Guaiqueries, Mapoies, and other nations, revolted in general, killed all the people that were among them, more than thirty persons, includ-ing residents of the city and strangers. The cause of this rebellion and havoc was the incitement which the Dutch of these new settlements have produced, through the secret communication they hold with them. I having had information of what happened in the Island of Trinidad, came to this city, where I am taking the necessary measures for the punishment of these Indians. For which object I have sent to request help in men from the Governors of Venezuela, Cumaná and Barinas, besides what I brought from the Island of Trinidad, in order not to leave this place with-out men at a time when so many enemies surround me, both Indians of numerous tribes, and the Dutch who incite them, without having any other friends than the Indians of the village of San Pedro.
From this your Majesty may gather the miserable state of this Government, so that being pleased to regard it with the eyes of your accustomed clemency, you may command the remedy to be applied which necessity demands, and the resolution to be taken which may be most advan-tageous to your Royal service in what regards the preservation of this Government. For, from what I see, it is, otherwise, an impossibility that this city can last in the midst of so many difficul-ties which combat and threaten it, and it is in such a state that those who live in it are compelled to do so, because I do not grant them the licences they desire, and today more so by the rising of these Indians, who, after all, served them somewhat, though badly, for there is no one to make them bread, bring them a pail of water, and cultivate their plantations. It must necessarily be abandoned, if some remedy does not come to them within a year, for they are in despair of it. For, although I may deny them the permission, they will fly to some other part, where, at least, they may have something to eat, and they will leave me alone, as it cannot be prevented.
I encourage them, so that it may not be entirely abandoned, solely in the hope I promise myself of a remedy suitable to the powerful and Royal hand of your Majesty, whose Catholic and Royal person may God preserve, as Christendom and we your subjects need.
PEDRO DE VIEDMA
Guayana, March 20, 1662
(Archivo General de Indias, Seville)
111. REPORT OF THE COUNCIL OF WAR TO THE KING RESPECTING THE STATE OF GUAYANA
[10 May 1662]
The President of the Council. Don Antonio Iasasi. Don Pedro de Aragon. The Baron de Ansi. The Marquis de Trocifal. Don Matheo de Villamarin. Don Pedro de Barreda. Don Alonso Ramirez. The Marquis de Montealegre.
On the 18th January of the past year, 1657, the Junta made a "Consulta" to your Majesty concealing the fortifications, aid, missionaries, and other matters touching the Provinces of Trinidad and Guayana, on the receipt of a command, which your Majesty was pleased to transmit on the 6th October of the preceding year, together with some letters which the Bishop-Inquisitor had received: one from Christopher de Vera, Governor of the city of Santo Thomé de la Guayana; another from the municipality thereof; and another from Dionisius Mesland, a French subject, a Father of the Society of Jesus, and missionary, who described himself as being of the congregation "de propaganda fide." And in view of it, the Junta was of opinion that the Govern-ment of those provinces, which belongs to the district of the Audiencia of Santo Domingo, should be united to that of the New Kingdom [of Granada], on account of the facility with which it could be helped from there, and also owing to its being at a distance of 800 leagues from Santo Domingo by sea, and of very difficult navigation, seeing that the Island of Trinidad is to windward of that island, as may be seen on the maps, and full of dangers owing to the many settlements of English and French existing in the Windward Islands. And that if the enemy should take possession of that Government, so as to make himself with greater facility master of the River Orinoco, which is close to Santo Thomé de la Guayana, and that if he should attempt this, it would be nearly im-possible to hinder him by means of any help sent from the Island Hispaniola, and that there was no information to show that it had ever received on any occasion any help therefrom. And there-fore on this account, as also because the Province of Guayana is bordered on the rear by the terri-tory of the New Kingdom, and that the Island of Trinidad, which is the head of that Government, is very near Guayana, and that on the occasions when it has been invaded by the enemy the President of Santa Fé has rendered it help in people and armaments, and that he can do so more promptly and easily than the President of Santo Domingo, on account of being so much nearer, and it being a country extruding continuously to the New Kingdom. For all these reasons the Junta considered it well that the Provinces of Trinidad and Guayana should he annexed to that kingdom in all matters that might relate to the administration of justice, revenue, and military and political government, by your Majesty so declaring it, and advising the Presidents of Santo Domingo and the New Kingdom, in order that the latter should look after its defence and preservation, on account of the immense difficulty there would be in rendering it help from these kingdoms, and it not being possible to do so from Santo Domingo.
And the Junta did not then proceed to treat of the fortifications of the city of Santo Thomé de la Guayana and Island of Trinidad until such time as the Report was received that had to be made by the Governor whom your Majesty then appointed; but suggested as desirable that the said Governor should take with him a certain quantity of arms and munitions, and your Maj-esty was pleased to reply to this "Consulta" in the following manner:
"Although the reports and papers that have arrived, and have been examined in the Junta, point out how desirable it is to separate the Government of the Island of Trinidad from the Audiencia of Santo Domingo and unite it to that of Santa Fé, it does not appear from the account that was sent me that the Audiencias of Santo Domingo and Santa Fé have recently reported upon the inconveniences or conveniences of changing the form which up to now has existed in that Government, nor whether any search has been made to see if any papers exist as to what is said, that in the year 1615 it happened that a Governor was appointed to this island and that of Guayana. And as, in the demarcation that was made when the Governments were indicated that were to belong to each Audiencia, it was necessary to consider what is now said concerning the distance between the Island of Trinidad and that of Santo Domingo, and nevertheless it was placed under its government, and has thus continued for so many years. And the Junta does not find this inconvenience in matters which relate to spiritual affairs, for it is said that the Government thereof in that respect, may be given to the Bishop of Puerto Rico.
"I suspend the taking of a resolution on this point until I am informed whether there are reports from the Audiencias, Bishop, and Royal officers, which are those that usually precede whenever such separations are treated of, and if they have been seen with the rest of the papers referred to here, so that with the information thereof I may command what may be suitable.
"I have also been notified that without any greater inquiry they (that is, the members of the Junta) have passed over what is said in regard to the passage to that part of Dionisius Miland, with privileges (as it is said) granted by his Holiness and the Universal Inquisition of Rome, this being one of the things of which they have tried hardest to prevent the introduction; and they have tried to give opportunity for any Father to enter the country with such letters of permission for the teaching and instruction of the Indians, and therefore examining the precedents that in cases of this nature have taken place, and the commands that may have been issued concerning it the Council will again examine this point, and report to me their opinion.
"And in what refers to the munitions, it shall be done as suggested. And in regard to the rest proposed to me, when I have received the Report on the points which I am now considering, I will give a resolution."
All is more particularly contained in the Consulta sent in reply, of which the original is placed here within your Majesty's Royal hands, together with the Report that was then made by a Secretary (and it was sent with the same Consulta on the state of the Provinces of Trinidad and Guayana).
[And] now Don Juan de Ibarreta, Knight of the Order of Alcantara, and Treasurer of the Island of Margarita, by virtue of the power which he holds from the city of Guayana, has pre-sented a Memorial in the Junta, with sundry testimonies and letters, as well from the Governor of the Island of Trinidad as of that of the city of Santo Thomé of the Most Blessed Sacrament of Guayana and of Trinidad, under dates of September and October of the year 1659.
And what the Governor, Pedro de Viedma, states in his letter of the 20th October of the same year, reduces itself to announcing his arrival in that Government in August 1658, and hav-ing taken possession thereof; and that he found it divided into two jurisdictions, for that of the Island of Trinidad was governed provisionally by Matheo Sotelo de Quiros, by appointment from the' Audiencia of Santo Domingo; and that of Santo Thomé de la Guayana and its provinces by Maestro de Campo, Christoval de Vera, appointed by the Audiencia of Santa Fé; and that this proceeded from assigning the Island of Trinidad to the Government of Santo Domingo, and that of Santa Thomé to the New Kingdom.
In like manner he reports having found that Government in the necessity of being forti-fied, and the forts strengthened.
He refers to the small number of people residing in the Island of Trinidad, which does not exceed sixty-six men, old and sick together, and that of these not more than forty, between Spaniards, half-breeds and mulattoes, can serve for the defence of the country, and many of them without arms, and that there were only eighty or ninety Indians, and other natives withdrawn to freedom.
That in the city of Santa Thomé there was a French Father of the Society of Jesus, occu-pied in the instruction of the Indians, for whom his predecessor, Don Martin de Mendoza, sent, having learned that he had a settlement, with a companion and some other Frenchmen, in the River Guarapiche, which is on the coast of Terra Firma between Guayana and Cumaná; and he came with four other Frenchmen (which caused some uneasiness among the residents); and their declarations having been taken they were sent to the Audiencia of Santa Fé, from which resulted that the President thereof sent a force of eighty infantry soldiers to Don Martin de Mendoza, for the defence of his Government; and when they arrived he was already dead, and they were delivered to his lieutenant. And as there was no help given to these men they fled and abandoned the place, for the said Governor did not find there more than sixteen men on his arrival in that province, and the French Father instructing the natives (for want of priests), who requested permission to go to the Dutch or English nation, which was refused, and he remarks that if he pressed the matter more he would send him to the New Kingdom.
In like manner he says that he had sent a person to reconnoitre the settlements and towns which the foreigners have there, who found that on the coast of Terra Firma (jurisdiction of his Government 20 leagues to windward of the River Orinoco), there are two settlements: one of 150 Dutch, and another of 280, and to these are added 200 wealthy Indians, of those expelled from Brazil, and that in both towns they have introduced 1,500 negro slaves for their plantations. And that besides these, there is the fort of Esquivo, which has been founded more than thirty years, and is distant 12 leagues from the new settlements. There is a Governor there, and the fort has a battery of twelve pieces of artillery, and soldiers; and that the person who was sent to reconnoitre was told by the Dutch that they were expecting more people for the purpose of completing the settlement of those rivers, and two ship loads of negroes. And that on his return journey he had encountered a small vessel with two men, who spoke to him in Spanish, and they appeared to be of the conservancy of the Indians of the said settlements; and one born in Madrid gave him to understand that he had been an Augustinian Priest, and had gone to Amsterdam in company with an Indian woman, where he allowed himself to be circumcised, and on that account he was sent to the Inquisition of Carthagena.
Besides the settlements above referred to, the English continue to found others on the coast of Terra Firma with more than 1,500 men, and many negroes, and sugar plantations.
And he represented the inconveniences of those settlements, and the importance of those fortified places, on account of being contiguous to his Government, and to the New Kingdom of Granada, Merida and Barinas, which communicate with the River Orinoco, and by land with the Government of Venezuela and Cumaná, and the rest of those ports.
The cities of Santo Thomé of the Most Blessed Sacrament of Guayana, and that of Trinidad in letters addressed to your Majesty stated the same points as those mentioned by the Governor, particularly that of the settlements of foreigners, and that both for this reason and on account of the residents being few, they are exposed to an invasion.
In consideration of what the Governor and the cities represent in the letters referred to, the said Don Juan de Ibarreta requests your Majesty be pleased to help those residents with men, arms, and munitions, which may be conveyed there, without any considerable expense to the Royal Treasury, in the register ship, requested by the Province of Cumaná, or in that in which the munitions will be sent for that fortress and its fort of Araya, which in its name and as its Procura-tor he has petitioned for. For the said vessel has to pass by the said Island of Trinidad, and it can call there, for the purpose of consoling and helping those poor residents, who on account of their extreme poverty have not been visited for many years by any ship from these kingdoms, even one touching there so that they might provide themselves with clothing.
And let the President of the New Kingdom be commanded to correspond with the said Governor and help him with the necessary assistance, in view of what may result from the set-tlements which the enemy have in the Island of Tobago, distant 10 leagues from that of Trinidad, and the new settlement they are founding on Terra Firma, 20 leagues on the east side of the said Guayana, [that] which runs for more than 100 leagues of coast that they occupy, in which there are more then 600 English and French, with more than 1,500 negro slaves, and they have very great numbers of the Indian natives of that country subject to them, on account of the merchan-dise they give them in barter. For the said assistance accrues to the defence of the New Kingdom and of the Province of Barinas, to which parts the enemy have an entrance through the mouths of the River Orinoco if they become masters of the said coast. And here he refers to what the Gov-ernor writes, and entreats that orders may be given to observe the Cedula of the 27th October, 1627, which prohibits that Governors be sent provisionally to the said province, through the death of the proprietaries, but let it be governed by the Chief Alcaldes until a successor be sent. Because in not observing it irreparable injuries follow therefrom to those residents, as that Gov-ernment is divided in its jurisdiction between two Audiencias: the part of Trinidad to that of Santo Domingo, and that of Guayana to Santa Fé, as already stated, so that when vacancies occur each President sends a Provisional Governor, from which result the inconvenience that may be supposed from having two Heads in a Government, subject to different Tribunals, and the ex-pense of another Governor's salary is added to the Royal Treasury, because each of them draws the full salary of 1,500 ducats. And on that account, and the inconveniences which result from the fact of one Government being subject to two Audiencias, he entreats your Majesty that the said Island of Trinidad (which is only 12 leagues distant from Guayana) be united the Audiencia of Santa Fé. For today with the proximity of the new settlements the Governor necessarily re-quires to join hands with the President of his district. And the President of Santo Domingo, be-sides being very far away beyond the sea, and always requiring the use of ships, cannot render him any assistance whatever, even if no such inconveniences intervened. Because Santo Do-mingo is a port and fortified place which needs for itself all that come there, and may be sent to it. And therefore it will be a great service to your Majesty that this union be made in all respects to the Audiencia of Santa Fé, which is nearer, and possesses access by land.
Everything having been examined in the Junta with the attention and care proper to an affair of so much importance, and considering what your Majesty was pleased to reply to the Consulta of the 18th January, 1657 (the reply to which is inserted above), and having in like manner studied the papers and representations which since then have come to the Junta, and all others that have been brought together relating to this affair, they have considered it as their im-perative obligation to again represent to your Majesty that they deem it for the greatest advantage that that Government in what relates to temporal affairs be united to that of the Audiencia of Santa Fé and its President (for in what relates to spiritual matters the Council State to your Majesty what they consider advisable in the Consulta of this date, since it is a point which belongs to it), in view of the inconveniences which are considered to arise from that province not being able to be assisted and helped by that of Santo Domingo (to which Government it is at present united), not only on account of the dangers of the navigation and great distance, but also owing to the small means the Island of Santo Domingo has for the purpose. And, on the contrary, from Santa Fé, where the facilities are altogether greater, the necessary assistance can be rendered to Guayana and the other villages of its jurisdiction quickly and substantially. And at the same time, the end may be attained that there may be only one Provisional Governor, and not two as heretofore, causing thereby so many disputes and inconveniences as are set forth in the papers of which a report has been made.
And that Don Diego de Egues, actual President of Santa Fé, be granted very ample power to assist those residents. And that if he could go in person to visit the island, let him do so, and if not, let him apply whatever means he may consider necessary for its greater assistance. And that with this object he should examine what men, arms, and munitions may be necessary for maintaining some towns in a state of defence, and raise and forward the same, as also the arms and munitions; and let him insure the help and assistance of the people, whilst endeavouring in all to spare the Royal Treasury as much as possible.
And to maintain this force and encourage the rest that there might be in the towns of that Government, the Junta consider it well that the tributes which may have been imposed in that province may be stopped and remitted, for besides what is aforesaid, this advantage will attract attention, so that those towns may increase by more people coming to inhabit them.
In like manner the Junta consider it advisable that permission be accorded to a ship, of such tonnage as the Casa de la Contratacion may think fit, to carry for the time that shall be nec-essary the products which that province requires, together with some licence for negroes, so that the necessities and misery from which those residents now suffer may be alleviated, upon which subject a Report shall be requested from the Casa, should your Majesty be pleased to agree to the same.
Further, they consider it desirable that Don Diego de Egues be instructed, in case he should go himself to Guayana to take with him the Lieutenant of the Chief Engineer of Cartha-gena, Don Juan Betin, and that if he should not go, he should send him with the person whom he shall commission in his own place, provided he shall be of the necessary qualification and ex-perience, for the purpose of surveying the territory of the Island of Trinidad and Guayana, and drawing up a map thereof, and of the fortifications he shall consider necessary and suitable, hav-ing regard to the men and means available for defending it, and to transmit a particular Report of all to the Council with the said map.
They are also of opinion that orders should be given to Don Diego de Egues, so that he may be able to have at hand the Father of the Society [of Jesus] who went to Trinidad and Guayana, and that the bulls and documents he may have brought be taken from him, and all be forwarded to these Kingdoms with the necessary safeguard, and in like manner the other circum-cised Augustinian Father, of whom an account has been given in this Consulta.
Your Majesty will command in all whatever may be your Royal pleasure.
(There are five seals of the members of the Junta.)
Madrid, May 10, 1662.
Council of War of the Indies. May 10, 1662. State what they consider advisable
in the matter of the union of the Provinces of Trinidad and Guayana to the
Government of Santa Fé of the New Kingdom of Granada for the causes and reasons
I agree with what is advised. Let it be carried out in this manner.
(Seal of the King.)
Decreed on the 6th June.
Secretary DON GERONIMO DE ORTEGA.
(Archivo de Indias, Seville)
112. STATES GENERAL MINUTES. WEST INDIA COMPANY REGULATIONS
Wednesday, January 9, 1664.
Read to meeting the request of Commissioners of Nova Zeelandia, situate in America, on the continent of the Wild Coast, soliciting that there may be placed in their hands a commis-sion in blank for the Commander to be dispatched thither by them, for the direction of Civil Af-fairs, the Administration of Justice, and the command over the militia at the principal station named New Middelburg.
Whereupon, deliberation being had, it is resolved and decided that the aforewritten re-quest shall be placed in the hands of Mr. Huyghens and others, their High Mightinesses' deputies for the affairs of the West India Company for inquiry and examination, also to hear and understand the considerations of the present Directors of the aforewritten Company, and to make report thereof - this Resolution to be issued without fixing a further date.
Thursday, January 10, 1664.
Is heard the report of Mr. Huygens and others, their High Mightinesses' deputies for the affairs of the West India Company, pursuant to their Resolution of the 9th instant, having in-quired into and examined the request of the Commissioners of Nova Zeelandia, situate in Amer-ica, on the continental Wild Coast, soliciting that there may be placed in their hands a Commis-sion in blank for the Commander to be dispatched thither by them for the direction of Civil Af-fairs, the Administration of Justice, and the command over the militia at the principal station named New Middelburg:
Whereupon, deliberation being had, it is approved and agreed that before disposing of the aforewritten request the applicants will have to propose to their High Mightinesses a fit per-son to be invested with the aforewritten functions, in order that, this being done, further decision may be taken on the aforewritten request.
January 14 1664.
[Sent to the Presidential Chamber in Amsterdam, for information.]
Saturday, January 19, 1664.
On hearing the report of Mr. Huygens, their High Mightinesses' deputy, made pursuant to their Resolution of the 17th instant (he), having conferred with the Directors of the West India Company now present in this country upon the contents of the further request presented to their High Mightinesses by the Commissioners for Nova Zeelandia, situate in America, on the conti-nental Wild Coast, within the limits of the Charter of the aforewritten West India Company, so-liciting that a commission may be dispatched in favour of Theodorus Sael as Commander for the direction of Civil Affairs, the Administration of Justice, and the command over the militia at the principal station named New Middelburg.
After deliberations, it is hereby approved and agreed to comply with the aforewritten re-quest, and consequently the required commission shall be dispatched.
113. RENEWAL OF THE CHARTER OF THE YEAR 1621 GRANTED TO THE DIRECTORS OF
THE WEST INDIA COMPANY, IN THE MATTER OF NEW NETHERLAND
[23 January, 1664]
The States-General of the United Netherlands:
To all who shall see or hear these presents read, Greeting:
Know ye that whereas we, in the year 1621, for many and weighty reasons, did decide to establish and form in our province a Company, named the West India Company, in order that by it alone, and with the exclusion of all others, may be carried on the navigation and trade with the coasts and lands of Africa from the Tropic of Cancer to the Cape of Good Hope; With the lands of America or West Indies, beginning at the south end of Newfoundland (and passing) through the Straits of Magellan and Le Maire or other passages and straits situated thereabout to the Straits of Anjan, as well in the North as South Sea; With the islands on the one and the other side, and situated between the two; Extending over the Australian or southern lands, and lying between the two meridians touching in the east the Cape of Good Hope and in the west the east end of New Guinea, inclusive, granting, by the second Article of the Charter of the 3rd June, 1621, under our Great Seal conferred upon them, further and expressly that it (the Company), in our name and authority, within the aforewritten limits, should have power to make contracts, en-gagements, and alliances with the Princes and natives of the lands therein included;
Likewise there to build any fortresses and strongholds, to appoint, transfer, and dismiss Governors, military men, and Officers of Justice, and others necessary for the preservation of the places, support of good order, administration, and justice, as well as for the development of trade, and to substitute others again in their places as they shall find to be required according to the circumstances, and specially that it (the Company) should have power to develop the popula-tion of fruitful and uninhabited quarters.
And the aforewritten Company, by virtue of the aforewritten Charter, in conformity with our sincere intention, have from the commencement continued their populating and bepeopling on the coast of America, in the country named New Netherland; and this, notwithstanding that some persons evilly disposed towards our State and to the aforewritten Company, try to misstate our sincere and good meaning contained in the aforewritten Charter, alleging forsooth that we had chartered the aforewritten Company only to carry on business within the aforesaid limits, and not to make population and settlements of people, and the lands in possession to take, disputing with the aforewritten Company their rights in these respects.
Now, therefore, we, being hereby desirous of assuring all and sundry whom it may in any way concern, of our intention in the aforewritten Charter, do declare our meaning to have been expressly, and still to be, that the aforementioned Company, in conformity with the afore-written Charter, was empowered, and still is empowered, to establish Colonies and settlements of people on lands which are not occupied by others, to extend themselves so far as the limits here-inbefore related, and especially since the same is necessary for preservation of the right which is due to them, by virtue of the aforewritten Charter, by discovery and occupation on the fresh river, and other places situated more easterly in New Netherland, up to Cape Cod, and from Cape Hinloopen, and 15 miles southerly, both along the coast, provisionally, and pending further agreement, respecting the limits to be made between the King of Great Britain anal ourselves, as, moreover, by virtue of the Charter granted, their limits, in conformity with the provisional de-limitation fixed in America between the Governments of both sides in the year 1650, and ap-proved and ratified by us the 22nd February, 1656, shall he fixed on the east side of New Netherland as follows, to wit: -
At the continent on the west side of Grenwits (Greenwich) Bay, being about 4 miles from Stanfort, and thus running inland on a northerly line, 20 miles, saving that it shall not come upon 10 miles near to the North River, and further on Long Island off from the western part of the Oyster Bay, also in a direct line due south as far as to the sea.
Provisionally and in conformity with the foregoing the eastern portion of the aforesaid island remaining for the English, and the western for the previously-intentioned West India Company and the inhabitants of the Netherlands.
Wherefore we request all Emperors, Kings, Republics, Princes, and Potentates, friends and allies of this country, or preserving neutrality therewith, to allow the said West India Com-pany to enjoy and possess peaceably and quietly the aforewritten limits, which we shall very willingly reciprocate to them as opportunity occurs.
We further order and decree expressly and rigorously all and each individual belonging to and living in our service and under our dominion, and especially the inhabitants within the limits aforesaid, to govern themselves according to the purport of this our deed punctually and strictly without making opposition to the contrary, under pain of incurring our high indignation and disfavour, and in consequence thereof of being punished as contumacious to our orders, as may be found to be proper according to the requirements of the case.
Given under our Great Seal, flourish, and the signature of our Secretary on the 23rd January, 1664.
114. PETITION OF JAN DOENSON AND OTHERS FOR THE REGISTRY OF THEIR PROPERTY,
PREPARATORY TO THE ERECTION OF A SUGAR-MILL IN ESSEQUIBO
[3 July 1664]
To the Directors of the Zeeland Chamber of the Chartered West India Company.
Jan Doensen, skipper, of the ship "Zeelandia," respectfully makes known that by virtue of, and in accordance with, the liberties and exemptions offered and granted to all the world, he, with several qualified associates, has chosen and taken possession of a piece of land and region situated in the River Essequibo at Brouwershoek, upon which he has placed an agent one Hui-brecht Vinon, a Frenchman provided with several negroes and other agricultural implements for the establishment of a regular sugar-mill there, and of the further plantation needed therefor; and being desirous to go on therewith, and, with God's help, to carry everything into operation, ac-cording to the intention and to the advantage of the Company, to which end the aforesaid liber-ties and exemptions were granted, it will be impossible to bring about without still further very expense for animals, copper utensils, and other thing needed thereto; and it being only just that for their zeal, labour, trouble, and great expense, they for all time should peacefully enjoy an ab-solute and free ownership for themselves and their descendants, always, however, under the pro-tection and the regulations of the Company; and inasmuch as there in that country they have or can find no opportunity for having the ownership of their aforesaid plantation recorded and registered; therefore he (the petitioner) hereby requests in writing that he and his associates, as owners, be thus entered here at home in the books and made known as such, at least, provisionally, until further registration yonder shall have been ordered, and also an explicit statement of year and day when Your Honours mean the liberty granted the petitioners to take its beginning, in order that they may regulate themselves accordingly, and thereafter pay to the Company their proper dues and other moneys.
Done at Middelburg, July 3, 1664.
115. DECLARATION BY CLEMENTE GUNTER
[18 March 1665]
Asked in what part the said settlement of Bauruma is situated, he said at 8 degrees or rather more, on a flat spot, 80 leagues distant from the chief mouth of the river called Amacuro, and that the said settlement will have 150 paid soldiers, and as many as 400 residents, and about 2,000 negro slaves; and its products are sugar.
Asked what is the population of Essequibo, of the same nation, and how far distant it is from Bauruma, he said it is 10 or 12 leagues from it to windward, on the same mainland coast, and is governed by a Lieutenant, and that he did not know what number of residents it had, but knows that it has a fortress with a garrison of soldiers.
Asked if he knows what the population and number of residents may be in that of the River Belbis [Berbice] and how far distant it is from that of Essequibo, he said that it appeared to him to be 40 leagues to windward from that of Essequibo, but that he does not know the number of residents and soldiers as he had not been there, but he knows that the said settlement belongs to his nation.
Asked concerning the Island of Tavaco [Tobago], what nations occupy it, he said that Curlanders and Dutch have divided it into two parts, but that he does not know the number of people of either nation.
116. DECLARATION OF PEDRO PEDRO BONOSTRE
[19 March 1665]
In the city of Santo Thomé del Santissimo Sacramento de Guayana, on the 19th day of the month of March, of the year 1665, his Honour Senor Don Joseph de Axpe y Cuniga, Gover-nor and Captain-General of this city and its province for His Majesty, and Judge in this cause, ordered to appear before him Pedro Pedro Bonostre, who said, he is thus called, and is a native of the Island of San Atasio, close to that of San Cristoval; and his Honour, having asked if he were an Apostolic Roman Catholic, he said yes; wherefore oath was taken from him in due form by means of Felipe Dros, a citizen of this city, who served as intepreter, and he took it and promised to tell the truth, and was interrogated as follows: -
He was asked by the said interpreter how long he has been with the said Captain Clemente Gunter, to which he replied that he has been with the aforesaid for nine months; and he was asked how the said time was occupied. He said in communicating with the natives in differ-ent ports, and that he bought from then two moderate-sized pirogues, and gave in payment mon-keys and hammocks and other products of the Indies and natives.
He was asked if he knows the whereabouts of the frigate of Jerman, a Hamburger by na-tion. He said that it is in aisle of the creeks of this River Orinoco, and that about ten days ago the said Captain Clemente went in a pirogue to the frigate of the said Captain Jerman, to ask him for a man to help in rowing.
He was asked what garrison of troops Baoruma may have. He said that as many as 400 paid men, with 300 residents and fourteen families of Indians, and that the negroes are many, but he does not know their number, and that what he has stated is the truth under obligation of his oath, and that he is twenty years of age, and did not sign because he did not know how to do so and his Honour the said Governor and Captain-General signed.
DON JOSEPH DE AXPE Y CUNIGA.
DON JUAN DE NOBOA,
Notary Public and of the Corporation.
117. DECLARATION OF CLEMENTE GUNTER
[7 March 1666]
In the city of Cartaxena, on the said day, 7th March, of the said year 1666, the Senor Maestre de Campo Don Benito de Figueroa y Barrantes, Knight of the Order of Alcantara, Gov-ernor and Captain-General of it and of its province, caused a man to appear before him, namely, the one whom the Lords of the Royal Audiencia of Santa Fé sent to him, and who is at present a prisoner in the Royal prison of this city; and having him in his presence, he interrogated and ex-amined him as follows:
He was asked what his name is, of what place he is a citizen and native, and if he is a Christian, and of what nation he is and what is his position and age. He said that he is called Clemente Gunter, and that he is an Apostolic Roman Christian; and when his Lordship perceived that he said he was an Apostolic Roman Christian, he took his oath in legal form, by God and a Cross, that he would tell the truth of what he might know and be asked; and having taken it fully, he declared, under the said oath, that, as he has stated, he is called Captain Clemente Gunter, and that he is of the German nation, a native of the city of Hamburg, a subject of the Prince of Orange, and that he is married to Maria Marnfelt, whom he has left at present in the city and port of Bauroma, where a brother of the declarant is Governor, and that he is about thirty-five years of age.
Asked how long it is since he left his country, and whence he came, and when he entered these Indies, and for what purpose he came to them, he said that he started from the said city of Bauroma, where his said brother is Governor, by appointment of the said Prince of Orange, on the 3rd June of the year 1664, with advices for Pedro de Biedma, Governor of Guayana, to whom his said brother, who is called Francisco Delphin Gunter, wrote, informing him that the Eng-lishman was on the point of going to plunder that island; and as his said brother was acquainted with the said Pedro de Biedma, he sent him this message to warn him, telling him that if he needed munitions of war he would give them to him; and when he reached Guayana to give him this message, this declarant found the village plundered by the said Englishman and the people destitute: and the said Pedro de Biedma did not see him there then because he was in Trinidad; and the said residents begged him for the love of God to send to Bauroma to his brother, that he might send them a small quantity of clothing to cover them, as they were going quite bare, and the women naked; whereupon the declarant sent the vessel in which he had come, namely, a pirogue, to the said Governor, his brother, to ask him to send a consignment of clothing, serge and Dutch linens, to sell and distribute among those people, which was duly sent to him, and this declarant distributed among all those residents as much as from 4,000 to 6,000 pesos worth of goods, as will appear by the books and papers of the agreement which was taken from him by the present Governor of Guayana, Don Joseph de Aspid y Zuniga.. And he also gave then munitions of war such as powder and shot, and gave them credit for the said clothing for eight months. And then he went to Bauroma, and at the end of eight or ten months came back to col-lect the money for the said clothing, and the said Governor Pedro de Biedma, who was then there, told him to wait for two months until the people could get a small quantity of hides, and he did so, and at this time the said Governor, Don Joseph de Aspid y Zuniga, arrived, being newly-appointed, and put this declarant into prison, accusing him of having entered there with merchandise, and took from him the books and papers in which he had entered what he had sold, thinking that the said Governor Pedro de Biedma had admitted him with the said clothing, whereas he did not admit him because, as already stated, when the said clothing came he was in the city, and because he saw the people destitute and naked he was moved with compassion, and gave them his assistance; and also the said Governor, Don Joseph de Aspid, banished him, telling him in his sentence that he banished him from the River Orinoco, which is the River of Guayana by which vessels enter; and he sent him prisoner to Santa Fé, with one of his brothers named Don Tiburzio de Aspid. All of which appears in the account in a Memorial which he gave to Senor Don Matheo Ibanez de Ribera, who acts as President in the Royal Audiencia of Santa Fé.
(Archivo General de Indias, Seville)
118. PROCEEDINGS OF A COURT-MARTIAL RESPECTING THE ATTACK ON MORUCA
[4 January 1667]
A court-martiall held at Nevis by His Excellency my Lord Willoughby's command,
Sat-urday, ye 4th day of January, 1667, before:
Sir Tobias Bridge, Pres.
Lieut. St. John.
To this Court was exhibited a charge against Captain Scott by Captain James Cotter. . .
"A charge exhibited against Capt. John Scott, late Coll. of Sir Tobias Bridge's Regiment of Foot raised for his Majesty's Service. . .
"That he being employed by the Lord Francis Willoughby upon ye Baromah and other places upon ye Main, his carriage was very unworthy and dishonourable, and particularly at ye attempting of ye Fort, at Morocco, he absented himself at ye instant storming of ye said Fort."
"Secondly, that when he had manned three Periawgoes, after ye taking of Morocca, to return to their shipping, in order to go to Baromah, four of his headmost periawgoes meeting with eight of ye Enemies, with which they were engaged, hee himself with ye rest retired, and unworthily left them. By which means they were taken and made prisoners of, and after having recovered his ships, sent them to battle at Baromah Fort. But he himself, when they came within gunshot, left his ship and sculked away alone in a boat until ye place was by a flag of truce of-fered to be surrendered. . ."
The examination of George Graham, taken upon oath ye 4th day of January, 1667, Steward to Captain Scott both on shore and on board:
Who says that Captain Scott in or about ye 4th day of October, 1664 [1665?] upon ye landing neare upon Moracco Fort, he ye said Scott marched in ye head of them till they came within shot of ye Fort, and then unhandsomely left them, running into a house, and not appearing till ye Fort was taken, notwithstanding he pretended himself to be Chief Commander of ye whole, so that afterwards he commanded eight periawgoes to be manned to find out their shipps at sea, and sent four of them first and followed himselfe, with ye other four. Ye four first meeting with eight periawgoes of ye Enemyes hee suffered them to be taken without giving them any assistance, but ran away himselfe.
Walter Forster, a souldier, under ye command of Captain Scott, when he was upon ye Main, in that Expedition, having heard ye above said Deposition read unto him, does upon his oath declare that what is in ye said deposition is truth.
The Marks of W. F. (WALTER FOSTER).
The examination of Capt. John Bell taken upon oath, the day and year above said. Says that Capt. Scott in or about ye month of Octr. 1644, [1665?] upon their landing neare upon MoracaFort, hee ye said Scott marched in ye head of them till they came within shott of ye Fort, and then unhandsomely and cowardly left them, running into a house and not appearing till ye Fort was taken, notwithstanding he pretended himself to be ye Chief Commander of ye whole.
It is further made appeare at Ice-Cape [Essequibo] that Major Scott did surprise one file of men (of which ye examined being one) which were set to keep some provisions in a house, abused ye men, took away their arms, and gave possession of them to the Dutchmen, whom he had taken prisoners before, and retained ye men whom he had surprised as prisoners.
The Marks of W. F. (WALTER FOSTER).
[This is reproduced in its original English form.]
(Bodleain Library, Oxford)
[Transliteration by the editor]
PROCEEDINGS OF A COURT-MARTIAL RESPECTING THE ATTACK ON MORUCA
[4 January 1667]
A court-martial held at Nevis by His Excellency my Lord Willoughby's command, Sat-urday, the 4th day of January, 1667, before:
Sir Tobias Bridge, Pres.
Lieut. St. John
To this Court was exhibited a charge against Captain Scott by Captain James Cotter. . .
"A charge exhibited against Capt. John Scott, late Colonel of Sir Tobias Bridge's Regi-ment of Foot raised for his Majesty's Service. . .
"That he being employed by the Lord Francis Willoughby in Barima and other places upon the mainland of South America, his displayed a lack of discipline, and particularly during the attempt to seize Fort at Moruca, he deserted his post and could not be found among he troops.
"Secondly, after the capture of Morcua, he was in command of three small boats which were travelling back to Barima, he refused to render assistance to four other similar boats which were being attacked by eight enemy boats. As a result, the English soldiers were taken prisoner. On approaching Fort Barima, Capt. Scott sent the men in the boats to attack the Dutch who de-fended their position by firing their guns. Capt. Scott himself did not join in the attack and slipped away alone in a boat on which he flew a flag of truce offering to surrender.
The examination of George Graham, steward to Captain Scott, was taken upon oath on the 4th day January, 1667. He said that Captain Scott on or about the 4th October, 1664 [1665?] upon landing near Fort Moruca, marched at the head of his troops until they came within gun-shot of the Fort, and then he deserted them, running into a house, and did not re-appear until Fort was captured. Notwithstanding this, he insisted he was the Commander of the expedition, and he organised eight small boats to patrol the coast to look for enemy boats. He sent out four of these boats and then he himself followed with four others. The first four met with eight enemy boats, and Scott, in the other four, sailed away and refused to go to their assistance.
Walter Forster, a soldier, under the command of Captain Scott, when he was on the mainland of South America on the expedition to attack the Dutch, having heard the above Depo-sition read unto him, declared under oath that the said deposition was true.
The Marks of W. F. (WALTER FOSTER).
The examination of Capt. John Bell was taken under oath, on the same day. He said that Capt. Scott, during their landing near Fort Moruca, marched at the head of the troops, but when they came within gun-shot of the Fort, he cowardly deserted left them by running into a house and not re-appearing until the Fort was taken. Notwithstanding all this, he insisted he was the Chief Commander of the expedition.
It is further stated that in Essequibo Major Scott surprised one group of men (of which the examined was one) who were responsible for keeping some provisions in a house. He abused the men, took away their arms, and gave them to the Dutchmen, who were originally his prison-ers. These men then became the prisoners of the Dutch.
The Marks of W. F. (WALTER FOSTER).
119. JOURNAL OF GOVERNOR BYAM (?1669)
An exact Narrative of the State of Guiana as it stood Anno 1665, particularly of ye English Collony in Surynam, begining of the warr and of its actions dureing the warr, and the takeing thereof by a Fleet from Zeland.
[Undated, but believed to have been written in 1669]
In Anno 1665 there were seaven Collonies settled on the coast of Guiana, one of the English, two of the French, and four of the Dutch at Appiawaco, a River seaven Leagues from Chyan, a small Dutch Colony at Chyan, with a grand settlement of French at Sinnamar, ten Leagues leeward off it they had another Coloney distinct from that of Chyan, In the Province of Willoughby land which Conteines the Rivers of Marracome, Surynam, Saramica, and Compen-ham was the English Colonie at Barbish above 50 Leges leeward of Surynam, the Dutch had a strong Fort and some settlements at Desseceeb 30 Leagues from Berbice the Antient Colonie strongly Fortified.
But there greatest of all they ever had in America was Bowroom and Moroco, alias new Zealand a most flourishing Coloney 16 Leagues Leeward of Discecabe.
In the same yeare in the month of May was the Coloney Willoughby Land in its merid-ian. . .
In November here arrived from his Exllce., his Serjt. Majr. Jno. Scott after his victory at Tobago with a small Fleet & a a regimt. of Foote undr. the Carrectr. of Majr. Genll. of Guiana, Cheife Commissionr. and Commandr. in Cheife by Land & Sea in few months his great fortune and gallantry prudeut and Industrious conduct made him master of all "the great province new Zealand & Desseceub settled a peace wth. the Arrowayes left both Collonys in a Flourishing Condition and well garrison'd for the King of England New Zealand undr. the Conduct of one Captaine Boxlson and Dessecube undr. the Comand of one Capt. Kenn, both old Soldiers and sober Gent.
About two months after his arrivall at Barbados the Indians understanding he was not to returne withdrew all Commerce wth. the English in the Forts. Many the Dutch French and Jews were soone upon ye. Wing to the French Islands Martinico & St. Christophers &c. and those that remained grew discontent. I could be more particular but that I have writt lately of this Gent's voyage to his Excellcy. which I hope will not be lost. In August, following one Cope was sent with supplys for the Reliefe of those Colonys and one jonnker Hendyck or Switts to still the In-dians that greatly distressed our Collonys wh. runn Reftrograds [sic] and onely for want of sup-plies (notwithstanding I did my endeavour) after many brave defences were forced to submit themselves many to the merciless French and in April fo!lowing the whole Colony to the Dutch. The loss of such a Jewell cannot sufficiently be lamented. . .
For the prevention of the suspected danger I ordered about 70 men against the French under the conduct of Capt. Wm. Cowell and about 80 more Leeward agst. ye. Dutch and Ar-wacas and to relieve our dear countrymen Descacebe and Bawrrooousa [sic] who we feared were in Distress - under the command of Capt. Christopher Rendar. Nor was Capt. Rendar unsuccess-ful at leeward, having stormed two warehouses of the Arwacas and had other bickerings wth. them wherein he slew about 30 men and took 70 captives. But for the releife of or men at Disse-kebe he came too late, who about 3 weeks before through want of ammunicion and iresistable hungar were forced to surrender themselves and 12 hundred slaves wch. they had taken to Bur-gunas a Dutch Gener who beseiged them. But on good articles, wth. those Complaine hee after-wards brake, And as for or. poore men at Bawroonia they were also for want of timely supplies destroyed by the French who most inhumanly (after they were starved out of the fort) delivered them to the cruelty of the Arwacas at the mouth of that River to be massacred. This was in-formed me by one of that fort who was absent when it was taken, who learned it from the Indi-ans: But since I understood the maine fort was not taken untill the coming of the Fleet from Zea-land, 1667.
[This is reproduced in its original English form.]
(British Museum, Sloane)
[Transliteration by the editor]
JOURNAL OF GOVERNOR BYAM (?1669)
An exact Narrative of the State of Guiana as it existed in 1665, particularly
of the English Colony in Surinam, from the beginning of the war, the actions
during the war, and the taking of the Colony by a Fleet from Zeeland.
[Undated, but believed to have been written in 1669]
In 1665 there were seven Colonies on the coast of Guiana, one English, two French, and four Dutch. These Colones were at Waipoco, a river 21 miles from Cayenne, a small Dutch Col-ony at Cayenne, with a grand settlement of French at Sinnamar. About 30 miles leeward off it they had another Colony distinct from that of Cayenne. In the Province of Willoughby land which includes the Rivers of Marracome, Surinam, Saramaca, and Compenham, was the English Colony at Berbice above 150 miles leeward of Surinam. The Dutch had a strong fort and some settlements at Essequibo 90 miles from Berbice, the Ancient Colony, which was strongly forti-fied.
But the greatest of all the Dutch ever had in America was Pomeroon and Moruca, or New Zeeland, a most flourishing Coloney 48 miles leeward of the Essequibo River.
In May 1665, Colonel Willoughby landed in the area. . . .
In November Major John Scott arrived after his victory at Tobago with a small fleet and a regiment of foot soldiers. He declared himself Major General of Guiana, Chief Commissioner and Commander in Chief by Land and Sea. In a few months his great fortune and gallantry, pru-dent and industrious conduct, made him master of all the great province of New Zeeland and Essequibo. He made peace with the Arawaks and left both Colonies in a flourishing condition and well garrisoned for the King of England. New Zeeland was placed under the command of Captain Boxlson, and Essequibo under Captain Kenn, both of whom were veteran soldiers.
About two months after his arrival at Barbados, the Amerindians understanding he was not returning, withdrew all commerce with the English in the Forts. Many the Dutch, French, and Jews soon departed to the French Islands of Martinique and St. Christopher's, etc., and those that remained grew in discontent.
I could be more particular but that I have written lately of this gentleman's voyage to his Excellency. I hope this account will not be lost. In August 1666, one ship was sent with supplies to those Colonies. I was in charge of troops also sent to control the Amerindians who were caus-ing problems in the Colonies. From time to time, these Colonies were short of supplies; they were captured by the merciless French, and in April 1667, they were retaken by the Dutch. The loss of such a jewel cannot sufficiently be lamented. . .
For the prevention of the suspected danger I ordered about 70 men under the command of Captain William Cowell against the French. I also sent about 80 more under the command of Captain Christopher Rendar against the Dutch and Arawaks and to relieve our dear distressed countrymen in Essequibo and Pomeroon. Captain Rendar was unsuccessful in Pomeroon even though he and his men stormed two warehouses of the Arawaks, and killing 30 men and took 70 captives. For the relief of the English at Essequibo, he came too late. About three weeks before, through want of ammunition and food supplies, they were forced to surrender themselves and 1,200 slaves to the Dutch General Burgunas who had besieged them.
And as for the poor men at Pomeroon, they were also short of supplies. They were de-stroyed by the French who most inhumanely (after they were starved out of the fort) delivered them to the cruelty of the Arawaks who massacred hem. I was informed of this by one of the men of that fort who was absent when it was taken, and who learned about it from the Indians.
I understood the main fort was not taken until the arrival of the Fleet from Zealand, 1667.
120. ACCOUNT OF GUIANA, BELIEVED TO BE BY MAJOR JOHN SCOTT
[Undated document, but believed to have been written in 1669]
This countrey is bounded between the two great rivers (not onely of America) but of the known world, for Danube, Rhine, Kyam, Nilus, Gambo, Rio Plato it selfe doth not boast of such lenth, such vast islands within its armes, nor any of the other, for lenth and breadth; both rivers are crossed with ye Eaquanocticall Line, and its confines endures the sunn's darts, being twice a yeare a perpendicular in his motion from south to north.
The River Amazones bounds this province on ye south-east, whose north cape hath onely 38 minutes of north latitude and 335 degrees of longitude, counting from St. Michale's, one of the Azoras Islands. Oranoque bounds it on the north-west, whose Sothern Cape hath eight degrees and 40 minutes of latitude, and 322 degrees of longitude. Between these two rivers Guiana fronts 230 leagues on the Atlantic Ocean; both these rivers agree and meet in the latitude of four degrees south from the Equator, as the author hath beene informed by the concurrent storys of the natives of those parts, and by the two greatest travailors that were in Guiana of Christians.
The one was one Matteson, borne at Gaunt, that had managed a trade 22 years from the Spaniard from ye Citty of St. Thomé, in Oranoque, with the Shahones, Sepoyes, and Occowyes, whose habitacions are 200 leagues south-west from St. Thomé, near the mountaines of the sunne, where they have great riches. The other was one Hendricson, a Switz by nation, that had served some Dutch merchants in those partes 27 yeares in quality of a factor with the upland Indians of Guiana. Both these persons happened to be prisoners to the author in his voyage to Guiana in 1665. These men both agreed that two branches of the rivers only mett, and that afterwards Oranoque stretched it selfe westward above 800 miles, and would by noe meanes agree with ye description giveni by Count Pagan in his "History of the Amazones" in that particular.
It is beyond all controversy that Guiana hath been time out of mind ye station of ye Car-rebs, and all the Indians on the island owe their oridginall from thence, and differ in language onely, as ye inhabitants of the Islands of Jersey, Garnsey, &c., doo from the inhabitants of France, and the opinion of their comeing from Florida is very fond and ridiculous to all persons that know the nature of the winds and currants in those parts.
But in pursuance of the discription of this countrey, know that it abounds with many spacious rivers, rivalets, and creeks, which I have endeavoured with great care to describe in ye chart, with their latitude and longitude in the two boundaries - Cape North, the Northerne Cape of the great Amazone, and Cape Brema, the Southern Cape of Oronoque, by which all ye rest may be measured. For instance, between both the intentioned Capes 28 leagues raiseth or depres-seth a degree of latitude without any considerable error. The course, being nearest north-west and south-east, together with ye habitacions of the distinct natives of that spacious province, which, I hope, may be of singular use as well as for delight.
The rivers and lakes of Guiana are stored with thirty distinct species of fish that are very good for food; their woods with ye buffloe, elke, and severall sorts of deere; their savanoes, es-pecially near the head of the River Parma, are stored with wild cattle; and in all places great plenty of cassava, of which they make their bread, poetatoes, yams, and other rootes. Heer is, indeed, everything necessary for life. But forasmuch as I designe to sattisfie the world in a par-ticular piece touching the distinct species of beasts for foode and of prey, foule, fish, trees, plants, and all insects, therefore I think it not proper to enlarge upon them in this place. But it's certain nature hath beene in most partes of Guiana very prodigall of her bounty.
I shall proseed to mention heere, first, the commodities; secondly, the deseases it is most incident to, and what parts; thirdly, the best judgement I could make of what number there ar of natives, how many of each other nacion, and where they inhabite, havienge, besides my owne observacions, taken measures from the aforemencioned Mr. Hendrickson and Matteson and journalls I fortuned to meet, with; fourthly, what nations of Europe have from time to time set-tled there, and what fortune they have had.
The commodities of Guiana are gold, silver, annotta (a dye), rich gumms, balsoms, honey, wax, specklewood, fustick, many phisickall druggs, sugar, cotton, and rice.
It hath been observed that from the River Amazones to Sinamare the people are strangely affected with ye gout and dropse, and not free from other diseases. From Sinamare westward to Curranteen greatly infected with pestilentiall feavers and agues, and a certaine sweating disease to follow, attended with numbness in the joynts. When it is most raging it is a most strang, violent feavour, burning within, and yett the whole blood coole without, and the feet and hands very could and dry; but it hath not the same opperation on all, nor ar the natives much trubled with these distempers, but the Europeans.
From Curranteen to the west side of Diesekeef the natives, as well as others, are strangely troubled with the Indian-pox, which hath, till of late yeares, broke out into great plotches and scabs, which they use to dry up with the milkey quallity of a tree, produced from the young twigs and leaves. In few dayes the scabs will be dryed up, and there would remaine onely an akeing in the joynts, which they cured themselves of by batheing their joynts with an oyle produced of bereyes from the same tree. But those that live neare the English, Dutch, or French, and drink wines or strong waters, finde quite different simptoms, the disease payning much inwardly, and the antient remedies will not effect the cure, which often inwraps them in great difficulties.
From Dissekeeb to Awarabish, a river on the west side of Oranoque, I observed the in-habitants to be full of children, and subject (but as in all other healthful countries) to noe raging distemper, except it be in rainy weather, and then they are subject to sore eyes. Women that keep much within are not troubled with the distemper, nor men that use much exercise. The river water of Guiana is not soe healthful as wells and springs that are kept from branches and leaves of trees that have a poysonus quality, with which ye rivers, especially those that came from the high lands and run farr, are greatly troubled with.
The most numerous nacion of' Indians in Guiana are ye Careebs, and these are inhabited in Aricare about 6,000 Careeb families. In Wiapoca, Macorea, and Abrewaco, 11,000 Careebe families.
In the River Marrawina, about 800 Careeb families, and up the same river, and towards the head of Sinnamar, lives about 1,400 Paricoates, the great masters of poyson in America. They pretend to poyson fountaines, are a people very formall, marry ever with their owne nation, have little commerce but for their poyson, which they sell to other nacions. The Careebs have some judgment in ya art of poisoning their arrowes, and are great masters in the cure, but short of these people.
In Suranam, Commowina, Suramaco, Copenham, and Currianteen are about 5,000 Ca-reeb families, and there lives in Suramaco and the upper parts of Suranam about 1,400 Tur-roomaes, and up Curianteen about 1,200 Sapoyes.
From the west side of Curianteen to Wina there lives about 8,000 families of Arawagoes, the best-humoured Indians of America, being both very just and generous-minded people, and in little villages by the sea-side lives about 400 families of Warooes in Maroca and Wina, and in the islands of Oranoque River, and neare the mouth of that river, lives about 5,000 families of Warooes, the only shipwrights of those partes, for all the great periagoos are made by them.
They make their vessells, their cordage, sayles, hammocks, bread, and drinke all of one tree. They likewise make great periagoos of another wood called white wood. They differ from all other Indians in life and manors (have nothing for delight, whilst all other Indians are great lovers of fine gardens, drinking, danceing, and divers other pleasurer), are a people bloody and trecherous, and not to be conversed with, and therefor I advise all people that sayle into those partes to discource with the Waroos nation with their armes in their hands.
From Wina to the utmost part of Awarabish, on the west syde of Oranoque and the Riv-ers Oronoque, Poraema, and Amacora, are about 20,000 Careebs families. The Occowyes, Shawhouns, and Semicorals are great powerful nacions, that live in the uplands of Guiana, either under the line or in south latitude, and there hath none soe converced with them as to make a judgment of them as to their numbers.
But its most certaine they are setled in a most fertile countrey and cover a vast tract of land, beginning at ye mountaines of the Sun on the west and north, and extending them selfes to Rio-Negroe, 500 miles south and east, a famous river that emties itselfe into the great Amazone. They have a constant warr with some nations on the islands in the Amazones, and are often gauld by the willey Carcets, who often, when they are ingaged abroad, visett their townes to their noe small prejudice. And thus much of the natives.
The first Christian that ever attempted to sett footeing on Guiana to the southward of Oranoque, was Pedro de Acosta, a Spaniard, with two small carvils, 300 men, anno 1580, setled in Parema, was drave thence by the Indians the same yeare, many slaine, and their goods and chattles become a booty to the Careebs.
The second Colonie was setled at Cayan by Gasper de Sotelle, being one hundred and 26 families, from Spaine, anno 1568, but were expelled by the Careebs and Paracoates, anno 1573.
The third Settlement was by three ships from France at Wiapoca, anno 1607, and being 400 men, began to plant tobacco, and to thinke themselves secure, and too frauckly to converse with the natives: they were all cut off anno 1609, except a few marriners.
The fourth Colonie was of 160 families from France, landed at Cayan, and fortified themselves anno 1613. The Parecoates begun to offer them friendship: they were in a few montlis many destroyed and the rest forct to quitt the place and retire to France.
The fift Colonie consisted of two hundred and eighty Zeelanders with two small ships landed theire men at Cayan, anno 1615, but could not bring the natives to a trade, were often gauled by the Indians, and were at lenth forced to quit their poste. Returned to Zealand the same yeare.
The sixth Colonie was undertaken by one Captain Gromweagle, a Dutchman, that had served the Spaniard in Oranoque; but understanding a companie of merchants of Zealand had before undertaken a voyage to Guiana, and attempted a settlement there, be deserted the Spanish service, and tendred himself to his owne countrey, which was accepted, and he dispatched from Zealand, anno 1616, with two ships and a galliote, and way the first man that tooke firme foote-ing on Guiana by the good likeing of the natives, whose humours the gent perfectly understood. He erect a fort on a smal island 30 leagues up the River Disseekeeb, which looked into two great braches of that famous river. All his time the Colonie flourished; he managed a great trade with the Spaniards by the Indians with great secrecy; he was a great friend of all new Colonies of Christians; of what nacion soever, and Barbadoes oweth its first assistance both for foode and trade to this man's speciall kindness, anno 1627, at what time they were in a miserable condition. He dyed anno 1664, and in the 83rd yeare of his age; a wealthy man, having been Governor of that Colonie 48 yeares. In this Colonie the authour had the good fortune to meet with some injenious observaciones of the former Governor of what had been transacted in Guiana in his time, to whome the world is obliged for many particulars of this story.
The seaventh was a small factory at Berbishees about ye yeare 1624, is now a strong garrison, and belongeth to two merchants of Flushing, Myn Heer Van Ree and Myn Heer Van Pear; a place that abounds with excellent horses and chattle, and is a good factory for annotta dye and druggs.
Sir Walter Raleigh's first voyage, 1598 , and his last unfortunate voyage, 1618, and the business of Mr. Harcourt at Wiapoca, and writt being with their owne penne I shall say nothing of them, onely that if Sir Walter Raleigh had lived he would have left matter for a grate full story. He left soe good and so great a name behind him with the native Indians in those parts that the English have often been obliged to remember with honour.
The eight Colonie was a ship and a barque from France which landed their people at Meriwina, anno 1625. The next vessell that came could heare noe news of their Collonie, and were, without all dout, distroyed by the natives.
The ninth Collonie was three ships from Rochell, anno 1626, with 534 men, some women and children; they settled at Suramaco, lived three years in peace, but sickness falling amongst them and the Indians being troublesome, those few that were left deserted the Collonie, and went to St. Christophers.
The tenth Collonie was two ships and a small vessell from France, anno 1639, 370 men, settled at Suramaco, and the yeare after came to them from France many famillies. They lived peacably untill the year 1642, at which time they had great supplies of men, ammunicion, and provision from France, grew careless, spred themselves to Suranam and Curanteen, had differ-ance with ye Indians, and were all cut off in one day.
The elleaventh Collonie was one Mr. MarshalI, with 300 families of English imployed by the Earle of Warwick, &c., who settled Suranam, Suramaco, and Curanteen, anno 1643, lived peaceably untill the yeare 1645, at which time they espoused the quarrell of the French, and were cut off by the natives.
The twelfth Collonie was of Dutch, setled by the Zealanders in the Rivers Borowma, Wacopow, ancl Moroca, haveing been drawn off from Tobago, anno 1650, and ye yeare follow-ing a great Collonie of Dutch and Jewes, draw of from Prazile, by the Portugaize settled there, and, being experienced planters, that soone grew a flourishing Collonie.
The thirteenth Collonie was of French, at Suramaco aucl at Chyan, were the greatest part cut of by tho Careebs and Saepoys, anno 1649.
The fourteenth Collonie was at Suranam, anno 1650, about 300 people of the English nacion from ye Island of Barbados, under the Collonie of one Lieutenant-Collonel Anthony Rowse, a gentleman of great gallantrie and prudence, and of long experience in ye West Indies; his making a firme peace with the Indians soone after his landing, and, reviveing the name of Sir Walter Raleigh, gave the English firme footeing in those parts, and it soone became a hopeful Collonie.
These people had the accommodacion of a ship from Francis Lord Willoughby, of Par-ham (then at the Barbados), and the loane of a parcell of Indian trade; the Lord Willoughby set-tled a plantacion amongst them at Suranam, another at Comonina, upon which he disburst at least 26,000 pownds.
Anno 1654, Lieutenant-Collonel Rowse haveing established this Collonie, left it in a flourishing condicion, and in perfect peace with the Indians, and one Major William Byam was chosen Governor, a judicious gentleman, and in ye condicion it stood dayly increaseing untill the yeare 1660, at which time His Majestie being happily restored to his just rights, Francis Lord Willoughby (amongst other pretencies in the West Indies) layde claime to Suranam by vertue of a compact with ye first settlers, and in consideracion of his great disbursements in those parts. And although there was some difference in that point between the inhabitants and his Lordship, it passed in favour of his Lordship and Lawrence Hide, Esq., second sonn to the Earle of Claren-don, as lord proprietors of that province, under, the appelacion of "Willoughby land". But Major Byam was continued Deputy-Governor to the proprietors, and was commissionated Lieut.-Generall of Guiana.
Anno 1665, the Lord Willoughby sayled from Barbados to Suranam, and upon his Lord-ship's arrival a contagious sickness began at the town caIled Tararica, and spread itselfe all over the Collonie, swept away many people, and dureing his stay at Suranam he had like to have been murthered by one Mr. Allen, who was of opinion that his Lordship coveted his estates. Mr. Allen was charged with blasphemy before his Lordship arrived in those parts, but cleared of the fact, yett (in his Lordship's sence) held strange opinions, as that there could be no subjects held lord proprietors, because it both clipt the wings of Monarchy and infringed the liberty of the subject. Mr. Alien cutt of two of the Lord Willoughby's fingers, and wounded him the head, expecting at the same stroake to have slaine him, and afterwards poysoned himselfe. Severall people this yeare left Suranam, strange jealousies haveing possest them, which brake out into great discontents, which his Lordship indeavoured to satisfie them in by a kind messuage sent to the Collonie by one Capt. John Parker, which proved effectuall.
The same yeare, in the month of October, ye author haveing been commissionated Commander in Chiefe of a small fleet and a regiment of soldiers for the attaque of the Island To-bago, and severall other settlements in ye hands of the Netherlanders on Guiana, as Moroco, Wa-copow, Bewroome, and Diasekeeb, arid having touched at Tobago, in less than six months had the good fortune to be in possession of those countries, and left them garrisoned for His Majestie of Great Britaine, and sayled thence for Barbados, where, meeting with ye news of ye eruption of war between the two Crownes of England and France, endeavoured to persuade Francis Lord Willoughby to reduce those severall small garrisons into one stronghold, and offered that was the way to make good our post in those parts, haveing to doe with two potent enemies, but his Lord-ship, that was His Majesties Captain-Generall in those parts, was of another opinion, and before he imbarqued on the unfortunate voyage for the reducing of St. Christophers, in which designe he perished by a hunicano, the wayes he had prescribed for supplyes to the forementioned garri-sons proved ineffectuall, and they were lost the yeare following to the Dutch, after they had in-dured great misery in a long siege by the French.
In the month of March 1665 Lieutenant-General Byam, in pursuance of an order from Francis Lord Willoughby, cornmissionated one Capt. Peeter Wrath (a Kentish gentleman), with a party of men and vessells, to attaque the Dutch Collonie of Aprowaco, which was prosecuted with success.
In August following, Capt. william Cowell, from Suranam, took the French Collonie of Sinamarie, sacked the place, and brought them away prisoners.
This yeare the English could boast of the possession of all that part of Guiana abutting on the Atlantick Ocean, from Cayan, on the south-east, to Oronoque, on the north-west (except a smal Colony on the River Berbishees), which is noe lesse than 600 English miles.
In February 1666 one Capt. Abraham Crynsens arrived at Surinam with a fleet of seaven sayle from Zealand, where the Colonie, for want of suplies, and being discontented, and haveing been greatly afflicted with sharp sickness, and dispaireing of any reliefe, surrendered themselves, to the High and Puissant States of Zealand, upon the Articles heertofore insarted in Wm. Byam's narrative of the State of Guiana.
Anno 1667. In the month of Aprill, Capt. Crynsens sayled from Suranam for the takeing in of the Island Tobago, leaving Captain Ram Commander of his land force and Governor for the Lords of Zealand in Surinam.
In August next, Henry Willoughby, Esq., Commander-in-Chiefe, accompanied with Sir John Harman, their land force - one regiment of foot - (their fleet consisted of nine sayle), de-parted from Barbados, for the attaque of ye Island Cayan, under the command of Monsieur de Leisle, Governor there for the French King.
In September following they arrived there, and the place soon became a subject of their mercy. They sacked the place, carried away some of ye people prisoners, but left the greater part seised of the island, but little to defend themselves with against the natives, as the French have complained since.
From thence, in October, they sayled to Suranam, a river and countrey 70 leagues north-west from Cayan, layd close siege to the fort by sea and land, and. a sharpe encounter (both sides sustaining losse), Capt. Ram, Governor for the States of Holland, was forced to surrender to the sayd Henry Willoughby, Esq., who in a few dayes left the Colonie, carrying Capt. Ram and his soldiers prisoners to Barbados, and leaving the fort and Colonie under the command of one Col-lonell Bailey.
In January, Henry Willoughby returned from Barbados to Suranam, and there distroyed some plantations, and removed a great part of the Collonie to the Island of St. Iago, or Antigo, putt Collonell Barry by his Government, and commissionated in his stead one Segt.-Major James Banister, an inhabitant of the place.
Between the first retakeing of this Collonie from ye State of Zealand and this month of January, the Lords of Zealand had dispatched to Suranam divers ships to ascertain their interest, but were denyed possession, at which the State Agents made many protestacions, and sent home to Zealand many complaints, where occasioned the Lords Ambassadors of the Netherlands, then in England, to make their addresses to His Majestie for reparacion, which, after due proffe of the fact, His Majestie consented to, and likewise dispatched a second order for the delivery of the sayd Province, to which order William Lord Willoughby yielded obedience, and Captain Abra-ham Crynsens, in the right of his masters, the Lords of Zealand was putt in possession of all the province called Willoughby Land, ye 30th Aprill, 1668.
Thus, having given an account of all such of ye English, Spanish, French, or Dutch na-tions as have planted, or have attempted to plant Collonies on Guiana from ye yeare 1580 to the yeare 1668.
I shall now only mencion those brave Spaniards that from the first discoveries
of the West Indies to the yeare 1647 - some with great force, others with
few followers - have at-tempted the discovery of the many provinces in the
mayne of Guiana, as well up the Great River Amazones as from the Atlantique
Ocean, and from the River Oranoque, most of which perished in their designes,
and have left little behinde them saveing the remembrance of their brave under-takeings,
I finde them mencioned in severall authors of divers nations, and many are
carefully collected by Mr. Hakluyt, viz.:
1. Diego Deordas.
2. Juan Corteza.
3. Jasper d'Sylva.
4. Juan Gonsales.
5. Phillip Duverne.
6. Pedro d'Lympas.
7. Geronimo d'Ortel.
9. Pedro d'Orsua.
10. Father Iala.
11. Fernandez Diserpa.
12. Diego d'Vorgas.
14. Alonzo d'Herera.
15. Antonio Sedenno.
16. Augustine Delgado.
17. Diego d'Lozada.
19. Pedro d'Orsua, jun.
21. Philip d'Fonta.
22. Juan d'Palma.
[This is reproduced in its original English form.]
(British Museum, Sloane)
[Transliteration by the editor]
ACCOUNT OF GUIANA, BELIEVED TO BE BY MAJOR JOHN SCOTT
[Undated document, but believed to have been written in 1669]
This country is bounded between the two great rivers (not only of America) but of the known world; for Danube, Rhine, Kyam, Nile, Gambia, Rio Plato themselves do not boast of such length, or such vast islands in terms of length and breadth. Both rivers are crossed by the Equator, and its confines endures the sun's rays, being twice a year perpendicular in its motion from south to north.
The River Amazon bounds this province on the south-east, whose north cape has only 38 minutes of north latitude and 335 degrees of longitude, counting from St. Michael's, one of the Azores Islands. The River Orinoco bounds it on the north-west, whose southern cape has eight degrees and 40 minutes of latitude, and 322 degrees of longitude. Between these two rivers Guiana fronts 230 leagues on the Atlantic Ocean; both these rivers meet in the latitude of four degrees south from the Equator, as the author has been informed by the concurrent stories of the natives of those parts, and by the two greatest Christian travellers who were in Guiana.
One was Matteson, born at Ghent, and who had managed to trade for 22 years with the Spaniards from the City of St. Thomé, in Orinoco; and with the Amerindians whose homes are 200 leagues south-west of St. Thomé, near the mountain, where they have great riches.
The other was Hendricson, a Swiss, who had served some Dutch merchants in those parts for 27 years in the capacity of a factor with the upland Amerindians of Guiana.
Both these persons happened to be prisoners of the author in his voyage to Guiana in 1665. These men both agreed that two branches of the rivers only met, and that afterwards Ori-noco stretched itself westward for more than 800 miles. They would by no means agree with the description given by Count Pagan in his "History of the Amazones" in that particular.
It is beyond all controversy that Guiana has been the original home of the Caribs, and all the Amerindians on the island owe their origin from thence. They differ in language only, as the inhabitants of the Islands of Jersey, Gurnsey, and the inhabitants of France. The opinion of their coming from Florida is very ridiculous to all persons who know the nature of the winds and cur-rents in those parts.
But in pursuance of the description of this country, it abounds with many spacious riv-ers, rivulets, and creeks, which I have endeavoured with great care to describe in the chart, with their latitude and longitude in the two boundaries - Cape North, the Northern Cape of the great Amazon, and Cape Barima, the Southern Cape of Orinoco, by which all the rest may be meas-ured. . . .
The rivers and lakes of Guiana have thirty distinct species of fish that are very good for food; their woods have buffalo, elk, and several sorts of deer; their savannahs, especially near the head of the River Parma, are stored with wild cattle; and in all places there is an abundance of cassava, used for making bread, potatoes, yams, and other roots. Here is, indeed, everything nec-essary for life. But forasmuch as I design to let the world know of the distinct species of beasts for food and of prey, fowl, fish, trees, plants, and all insects, I nevertheless think it not proper to enlarge upon them in this place. But it is certain that nature has been in most parts of Guiana very prodigal of her bounty.
I shall proceed to mention here, first, the commodities; secondly, the diseases it is most incident to, and what parts; thirdly, the best judgement I could make of what number there are of natives, how many of each other nation, and where they inhabit, having besides my own observa-tions, taken measures from the aforementioned Mr. Hendrickson and Matteson and journals I have consulted; fourthly, what nations of Europe have from time to time settled there, and what fortune they have had.
The commodities of Guiana are gold, silver, annatto (a dye), rich gums, balsams, honey, wax, speckle-wood, fustic, many physical drugs, sugar, cotton, and rice.
It has been observed that from the River Amazon to Surinam the people are strangely af-fected with gout and dropsy, and not free from other diseases. From Suriname westward to Cor-entyne, they are greatly infected with pestilential fevers and agues, and a certain sweating disease which follow, accompanied with numbness in the joints. When it is most raging it is a most strong, violent fever, burning within; and yet the blood is cold, and the feet and hands very cold and dry. But it has not the same effect on all, nor are the natives much troubled with these distempers, but the Europeans are badly affected.
From Corentyne to the west side of Essequibo, the natives, as well as others, are strangely troubled with the Indian-pox, which has, till of late years, broke out into great blotches and scabs, which the natives dry up by applying the milk of a tree, produced from the young twigs and leaves. In few days the scabs are dried up, and there would remain only an aching in the joints, which they cured themselves of by bathing their joints with an oil produced from the berries of the same tree.
But those that live near the English, Dutch, or French, and drink wines or strong waters, find quite different symptoms, the disease paining much internally, and the usual remedies will not effect the cure, which often leaves them in great difficulties.
From Essequibo to Awarabish, a river on the west side of Orinoco, I observed the in-habitants had many children, and subject (but as in all other healthful countries) to no raging ill-nesses, except during the rainy weather, when they develop sore eyes. Women that keep much within are not troubled with the illness, nor men that use much exercise.
The river water of Guiana is not so healthful as wells and springs flow over branches and leaves of trees that have a poisonous quality. Rivers, especially those that came from the high lands and run far, are greatly affected by this problem.
The most numerous nation of Amerindians in Guiana are the Caribs, and in Aricare there are about 6,000 Carib families. In Wiapoco, Moruca, and Abrewaco, there are 11,000 Carib families.
In the River Marrawina, there are about 800 Carib families, and up the same river, and towards the head of Sinnamar, live about 1,400 Pariacotes, the great masters of poison in Amer-ica. They pretend to poison fountains, are a people very formal, marry only within their own na-tion, and have little commerce but for their poison, which they sell to other nations. The Caribs have some knowledge in the art of poisoning their arrows, and are great masters in the cure...
In Surinam, Commowina, Suramaco, Copenaam, and Corentyne, there are about 5,000 Carib families, and residing in Suramaco and the upper parts of Surinam are about 1,400 Tur-roomaes, and up Corentyne about 1,200 Sapoyes.
From the west side of Corentyne to Wiani there are about 8,000 families of Akawaios, the best-humoured Indians of America, being both very just and generous-minded people; and in little villages by the sea-side lives there are about 400 families of Warrows in Maroca and Waini. In the islands of the Orinoco River, and near the mouth of that river, live about 5,000 families of Warrows, the only shipwrights of those parts, for all the great piraguas are made by them.
They make their vessels, their cordage, sails, hammocks, bread, and drink all from one tree. They likewise make great piraguas of another wood called white wood. They differ from all other Indians in life and manners (have nothing for delight, whilst all other Indians are great lov-ers of fine gardens, drinking, dancing, and many other pleasures), are a people bloody and treacherous, and not to be conversed with, and therefore I advise all people that sail into those parts to discourse with the Warrow nation with their arms in their hands.
From Waini to the utmost part of Acarabisi, . . . and the Rivers Orinoco, Poraema, and Amacura, are about 20,000 Carib families. The Akawaios, Shawhouns, and Semicorals are great powerful nations, that live in the uplands of Guiana, just below the Equator, but no one has con-versed with them as to make a judgment of them as to their numbers.
But it is most certain they are settled in a most fertile country and cover a vast tract of land, beginning at the mountains on the west and north, and extending themselves to Rio Negro, 500 miles south and east, a famous river that empties into the great Amazon. They are in constant warfare with some nations on the islands in the Amazons. These nations include the wily Carcets, who often, when they are Carib men were away, would attack their settlements.
The first Christian that ever attempted to land on Guiana to the southward of Orinoco was Pedro de Acosta, a Spaniard, with two small caravels and 300 men, in the year 1580. He es-tablished a settlement in Parima, but the settlers were attacked by the Caribs the in the same year. Many of them were killed and their goods and other property were taken away by these Carib raiders.
The second colony was established at Cayenne by Gasper de Sotelle, with 126 families from Spain in 1568, but they expelled by the Caribs and Pariacotes in 1573.
The third settlement at Waipoco was made when three ships with 400 men arrived from France in 1607. The settlers began to plant tobacco, and tried to befriend the native Amerindians. However, when they thought themselves secure, they were attacked and massacred by the Amer-indians in 1609, and only a few sailors managed to escape.
The fourth colony was of 160 families from France, who landed in 1613 at Cayenne and built a fortified settlement. The native Pariacoats began to offer them friendship, but a few months later they attacked and destroyed the settlement. Many of the colonists were killed and the others decided to abandon the settlement and return to France.
The fifth colony consisted of two hundred and eighty Zeelanders who arrived in two small ships at Cayenne in 1615. They could not establish trade with the natives who from time to time launched attacks on them. These settlers abandoned the colony later in the same and re-turned to Zeeland [one of the states of Holland].
The sixth colony was undertaken by one Captain Groenewegel, a Dutchman who had worked with the Spaniards in Orinoco. When he learned that a company of merchants of Zealand had sailed to Guiana to attempt a settlement there, be deserted the Spanish service, and returned to Holland. There he offered his service to his own country. This was accepted, and he dis-patched from Zealand in 1616, with three ships and a party of settlers. He became the first man to establish a firm footing on Guiana and form good relations with the natives, whose nature and temperament he perfectly understood. He erect a fort on a small island 30 leagues up the River Essequibo, which looked into two great branches of that famous river. During his period of man-agement, the colony flourished; he managed a great trade with the Spaniards through the Indians with great secrecy. He was also a great friend of all new colonies of Christians, despite their na-tionality. Barbados owes its first assistance both for food and trade to this Groenewegel's special kindness in 1627; at what time the settlers in Barbados were in a miserable condition. He died in 1664 when he was 83 years old, having served as Governor for 48 years; by that time he had be-come a wealthy man, having been Governor of that colony for 48 years.
In this colony the author had the good fortune to learn of some ingenious plans imple-mented by the former Governor to whom the world is obliged for many particulars of this story.
The seventh colony was a small factory at Berbice around the year 1624. It is now a strong garrison, and belongs to two merchants of Flushing, Heer Van Ree and Heer Van Pere. It is a place that abounds with excellent horses and cattle, and is a good factory for annatto dye and drugs.
Sir Walter Raleigh's first voyage in 1598 , and his last unfortunate voyage in 1618, and the business of Mr. Harcourt at Wiapoca, they have themselves written about, so I shall say nothing of them, only that if Sir Walter Raleigh had lived, he would have left enough matter for a great story. He left so good and so great a name behind him with the native Amerindians in those parts that the English have often been obliged to remember it with honour.
The eight colony was a ship and a barque from France which landed settlers people at Meriwina in 1625. The next vessel that came could not locate the colony and, without all doubt, all the settlers were killed by the natives.
The ninth colony was established in 1626 at Suramaco when three ships from Rochelle, France, arrived with 534 men, some women and children. For three years they lived in peace, but sickness caused a number of deaths, and the Amerindians being troublesome, those few that were left deserted the colony and went to St. Christopher's.
The tenth colony was formed in 1639 also at Suramco when two ships and a small vessel arrived from France with 370 men. During the following year, a number of families from France arrived to join the original settlers. They all lived peacefully until the year 1642, at which time they had great supplies of men, ammunition, and provision from France. However they grew careless, and some of them moved away to Surinam and Corentyne, where they were killed off very quickly by the Amerindians.
The eleventh colony was set up in 1643 by one Mr. Marshall, with 300 English families employed by the Earle of Warwick. They settled in Surinam, Suramaco, and Corentyne and lived peaceably until the year 1645, at which time they quarrelled with the French and the native Amerindians. From time to time, the Amerindians attacked their settlements.
The twelfth colony was formed by Dutch settlers from Zeeland in the Rivers Barima, Wacapow, and Moruca. These settlers came from the island of Tobago in 1650, and during the following year many Dutch setters and Jews, arrived from Brazil where the Portuguese were set-tled, and, being experienced planters, that soon caused the colony to flourish.
The thirteenth colony was of French, at Suramaco and at Cayenne in 1649, but many of the settlers were killed in clashes with the Caribs and Saepoys.
The fourteenth colony was established at Surinam in 1650 by about 300 English setters from the island of Barbados, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Anthony Rose, a gen-tleman of great gallantry and prudence, and of long experience in the West Indies. He made a firm peace with the Amerindians soon after his landing, and, reviving the name of Sir Walter Ra-leigh, gave the English a firm footing in those parts, and it soon became a hopeful colony.
These people had the use of a ship from Francis Lord Willoughby, of Parham (then at the Barbados), who provided 26,000 pounds for plantations to be started at Surinam and Comonina where he had been granted charters to large areas of land.
In 1654, Lieutenant-Colonel Rose, having established this colony, left it in a flourishing condition, and in perfect peace with the Indians, and one Major William Byam, a judicious gen-tleman, was chosen Governor. The colony progressed daily until the year 1660, at which time His Majesty, being happily restored to his just rights, Francis Lord Willoughby (amongst other pre-tencies in the West Indies) laid claim to Surinam by virtue of a compact with the first settlers, and in consideration of his great disbursements in those parts. And although there was some dif-ference in that point between the inhabitants and his Lordship, it passed in favour of his Lordship and Lawrence Hide, Esq., second son to the Earl of Clarendon, as lord proprietors of that province, under the appellation of "Willoughby Land". But Major Byam continued as Deputy-Governor to the proprietors, and was commissioned Lieutenant-General of Guiana.
In 1665, the Lord Willoughby sailed from Barbados to Surinam, and upon his Lordship's arrival, a contagious sickness began at the town called Tararica, and spread itself all over the colony and killed many people. During his stay at Surinam he was nearly murdered by one Mr. Allen, who had accused his Lordship coveted his estates. Mr. Allen was charged with blasphemy before his Lordship arrived in those parts, but was cleared of the fact, yet (in his Lordship's sense) held strange opinions, as that there could be no subjects held lord proprietors, because it both clipped the wings of Monarchy and infringed the liberty of the subject. Sometime later, Mr. Allen attacked Lord Willoughby and cut off two of his fingers, and wounded him the head, ex-pecting at the same stroke to have slain him. Allen afterwards committed suicide by drinking poison.
Following these incidents, several people in 1665 left Surinam. Strange jealousies pos-sessed them and there was great discontentment. His Lordship endeavoured to satisfy them in by a kind message sent to the colony by one Capt. John Parker. This proved to be effectual.
The same year, in the month of October, the author was commissioned Commander in Chief of a small fleet and a regiment of soldiers for the attack of the Island Tobago, and several other settlements in the hands of the Netherlanders on Guiana, as Moruco, Wacapow, Pomeroon, and Essequibo. He first landed at Tobago, and in less than six months had the good fortune to be in possession of those countries, and left them garrisoned for His Majesty of Great Britain. He then sailed for Barbados, where, meeting with the news of the eruption of war between the two Crowns of England and France, endeavoured to persuade Francis Lord Willoughby to unite those several small garrisons into one stronghold. He suggested that it was the way to make good the English post in those parts, having to deal with two potent enemies, but his Lordship, that was His Majesties Captain-General in those parts, was of another opinion. Before he embarked on the unfortunate voyage for the capture of St. Christopher's, in which design he perished by a hurricane, the ways he had prescribed for supplies to the above mentioned garrisons proved ineffectual. They were lost the year following to the Dutch, after they had endured great misery in a long siege by the French.
In the month of March 1665 Lieutenant-General Byam, in pursuance of an order from Francis Lord Willoughby, commissioned one Capt. Peter Wrath (a Kentish gentleman), with a party of men and vessels, to attack the Dutch Colony of Aprowaco, which was prosecuted with success.
In August following, Capt. William Cowell, from Surinam, took the French colony of Sinamarie, sacked the place, and brought the setters away as prisoners.
This year the English could boast of the possession of all that part of Guiana abutting on the Atlantic Ocean, from Cayenne, on the south-east, to Orinoco, on the north-west (except a small colony on the River Berbice), which is no less than 600 English miles.
In February 1666 one Capt. Abraham Crynsens arrived at Surinam with a fleet of seven ships from Zeeland. He found the colony short of supplies, and full of discontent, and greatly afflicted with sharp sickness. Not being able to obtain any relief, the colonists surrendered them-selves to Crynsens as the representative of the High and Puissant States of Zealand, upon the Ar-ticles* heretofore inserted in William Byam's narrative of the State of Guiana.
In April 1667, Capt. Crynsens sailed from Surinam to the Island Tobago, leaving Cap-tain Ram Commander of his land force and Governor for the Lords of Zealand in Surinam.
In August, Henry Willoughby, Esq., Commander-in-Chief, accompanied by Sir John Harman and a land force - one regiment of foot - set sail in a fleet consisting of nine ships from Barbados, for the attack of the Island of Cayenne, which was under the command of Monsieur de Leisle, Governor there for the French King.
In September following they arrived there, and the place soon became a subject of their mercy. They sacked the place, carried away some of the people as prisoners, but left the greater part of the seized colony with little to defend itself against the natives. The French have also complained of this inability to defend themselves.
From there, in October, they sailed to Surinam, a river and country 70 leagues north-west from Cayenne. They laid close siege to the fort by sea and land, and after a sharp encounter (both sides sustaining losses), Capt. Ram, Governor for the States of Holland, was forced to surrender to the said Henry Willoughby, Esq. A few days later Willoughby left the colony carrying Capt. Ram and his soldiers prisoners to Barbados, and leaving the fort and colony under the command of one Colonel Bailey.
In January, Henry Willoughby returned from Barbados to Surinam, and there destroyed some plantations, and removed a great part of the colony to the Island of St. Iago, or Antigua. He removed Colonel Barry from his Government, and commissioned in his stead one Sergeant-Major James Banister, an inhabitant of the place.
Between the first retaking of this colony from the State of Zeeland and this month of January, the Lords of Zeeland had dispatched to Surinam many ships to ascertain their interest. They were denied possession, at which the State Agents made many protests, and sent home to Zeeland many complaints. The Lords Ambassadors of the Netherlands, then in England, made their addresses to His Majesty for reparation, which, after due proof of the fact, His Majesty con-sented to, and likewise dispatched a second order for the delivery of the said Province. To this order William Lord Willoughby yielded obedience, and Captain Abraham Crynsens, in the right of his masters, the Lords of Zealand was put in possession of all the province called Willoughby Land, on the 30th April, 1668.
Thus, I have given an account of all the colonies the English, Spanish, French, or Dutch nations have planted, or have attempted to plant, in Guiana from the year 1580 to the year 1668.
I shall now only mention those brave Spaniards that from the first discoveries
of the West Indies to the year 1647 - some with great force, others with few
followers - have attempted the discovery of the many provinces in the main
of Guiana, as well up the Great River Amazon as from the Atlantic Ocean, and
from the River Orinoco. Most of these Spaniards perished during their explorations,
and have left little behind them except the remembrance of their brave undertakings.
I find them mentioned in several authors of many nations, and many are carefully
collected by Mr. Hakluyt, viz.:
1. Diego Deordas.
2. Juan Corteza.
3. Jasper d'Sylva.
4. Juan Gonsales.
5. Phillip Duverne.
6. Pedro d'Lympas.
7. Geronimo d'Ortel.
9. Pedro d'Orsua.
10. Father Iala.
11. Fernandez Diserpa.
12. Diego d'Vorgas.
14. Alonzo d'Herera.
15. Antonio Sedenno.
16. Augustine Delgado.
17. Diego d'Lozada.
19. Pedro d'Orsua, jun.
21. Philip d'Fonta.
22. Juan d'Palma.
[Editor's note: * The Articles are not included in this collection.]
121. PROCEEDINGS OF THE WEST INDIA COMPANY (ZEELAND CHAMBER)
[26 August 1669]
Mr. Van de Poele informed the Chamber that he had understood that the galiot of Cap-tain Keuvelaer has brought along 50 or 60,000 lb of sugar, and 20,000 lb. of letter-wood, which had been made and cut in Essequibo by the Company's negroes.
122. EXTRACTS FROM PROCEEDINGS IN CASE OF CLEMENTE GUNTHER FOR HAVING ENTERED
AND TRADED IN THE ORINOCO AND GUAYANA (1665-69)
(1) Declaration by Clemente Gunter, 18 March 1665. [Document No. 115 above]
(2) Declaration of Pedro Pedro Bonostre, 19 March 1665. [Document No. 116 above]
(3) Declaration of Clemente Gunter on 7 March 1666. [Document No. 117 above]
(Archivo General de Indias, Seville)
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